Below research report by Drs. I Gusti Ngurah Bagus and his team proved rather difficult to find. A word of gratitude is extended to the Library of Congress in Washington (USA), in particular to Margaret Kieckhefer (Senior Information and Reference Specialist), Michelle Wright (Customer Service Section), Kia Campbell (Duplication Services) & Lien Huong Fiedler (Southeast Asia Reference Librarian). This publication would not have surfaced were it not their kind assistance.
English translation and additional comments in square brackets by author Godi Dijkman.
Page numbers and the items numbering system (of the original document) have been maintained in the English translation - where they are usually omitted in other articles on this site -, in order to facilitate verification. Notes on Bagus' analysis on syntax are in place. It would appear that the terms 'Balinese used in Nusa Penida', 'Nusa Penida Balinese', and 'Nusa Penida dialect' in the original Indonesian article, sometimes abbreviated to BBN, are used arbitrarily. The question arises whether Nusa Penida dialect is (was) a dialect in its own right, or whether it is a derivative of Balinese, a local version spoken in Nusa Penida. Furthermore, there are doubts on the English translation of some linguistic terms and concepts used by Bagus cum suis. Hence, a critical eye is needed in reading the English translation. The author/translator Godi Dijkman welcomes comments and suggestions.
Chapter I: Background
Nusa Penida is part of the area 'Tingkat II' of the Klungkung Regency (Kebupaten). The island can be reached by motorboat or sampan with a sail. Sampalan is Nusa Penida's capital. Nusa Penida (±414 square km) lies southeast of Bali. The adjacent islands of Lembongan and Ceningan are part of the district of Nusa Penida. This district consists of 13 'perbekelan' (villages): Batununggul, Kutampi, Ped, Suana, Tanglad, Sekartaji, Batukandik, Batumadeg, Klumpu, Sakti, Toyopakeh, Lembongan and Jungutbatu. Nusa Penida counts 49,102 people (based on statistics of 1971 from Nusa Penida district head). The majority of inhabitants of Nusa Penida are Hindu Dharma followers, the largest religion in 12 villages, with the exception of Toyopakeh, whose inhabitants are Mohammedans; they worship in a holy building called mosque, whereas in every other village there are holy buildings called Pura.
Nusa Penida's history finds its roots in Klungkung, from the early days until the present, and it should come as not surprise that Nusa Penida culture is not very different from that of Bali, including its language. Nusa Penida has its own language: it differs from the language used in Bali in general, but also from Klungkung language. Given its isolated geographical position, Nusa Penida, it is noteworthy that Javanese culture has not played a major role in Nusa Penida. Hence, Nusa Penida is an island with a language all of its own, classified as 'Bali Mula' [Bali Aga] and the inhabitants are Penidians except for the inhabitants of Toyopakeh (Mohammedans). Given the fact that Penida language is very dominant as a dialect used by the inhabitants of Nusa Penida, this dialect is used as a means of communication and harbours a myriad of meanings mirrored in its daily use by the people of Nusa Penida. Until this moment, research on Balinese in the form of Nusa Penida dialect has not been properly been carried out, which makes this research paper all the more necessary.
In view of the background of this research and in view of 'language policy patterns', especially those regarding the construction and development of language, and Indonesian and Regional literatures, as well as the conservation of regional languages and literatures, a number of problems arise which need to be addressed, in the form of questions formulated as follows: (p.3) 1. What is the general picture of the cultural background of the people of Nusa Penida?; 2. What is the general structure of Nusa Penida dialect? These two issues need to be researched to gain a general insight on the Balinese dialect of Nusa Penida. This research is meaningful when taking into consideration the various interdisciplinary scholarly aspects, as the results of these investigations will pave the way for further research of such disciplines as art, the structure language and so forth. This becomes even more evident in view of the role this research can play to give meaning to the development and creation of languages.
Research into the language of Nusa Penida serves a practical and a theoretical goal. The practical goal is one that can be directly achieved during these investigations: 1) to give a sociocultural background of the Nusa Penida people in the realm of current language usage; 2) to provide a description of Balinese used in Nusa Penida, disregarding historical factors; (p.4) 3) to put into practice the practical experience during field research. Theoretical goals are linked to other languages for future use: 1) more thorough and complete research into the structure of Balinese of Nusa Penida; 2) comparative linguistic research of Bali Mula [Aga] languages in Bali; 3) research into the (sub)-dialect varieties, which can be separated from current investigations. Apart from the theoretical goals mentioned above, there are other theoretical goals as well such as 'raw material' for indirectly related social sciences, to cultivate and wherever possible develop the language for education and as a means of good communication within Nusa Penida society as well as a means of expressing aspects of existing culture.
1.4 Research theory
According to the analysis in 'definition', and more in detail according to those contained within the limits that by and large enclose the goals of these investigations into the sociocultural background of Nusa Penida society and language structure, the theory applied here is the one involving 'approach' techniques and interviews as part of survey theory. Structural language theory is applied to research into the structure of language. Other theories such as case theories and so forth are not applied as we lack in-depth knowledge of these theories. Conceivably, structural theories used in this research are mixed with traditional theories based on the philosophy that scientific characteristics cannot be separated from a series of developments (achieved) beforehand.
The range of the subjects under scrutiny at this moment only concerns general matters in view of restricted work force, time and financial resources. More in-depth analysis, however, is done at future occasions in matters concerning more specific language issues. The range of subjects covered in these four chapters is as follows: Chapter I 'Foreword' deals with issues related to 1) Background: nature, subsistence, religion, arts and language; 2) Subject: in this chapter the subjects under research will be presented, formulated in simple terms; 3) Goal: the objectives cover theoretical and practical goals in this research; 4) Theory, method and technique; 5) Population and samples; 6) Various. Chapter II generally deals with the sociocultural background of Balinese in Nusa Penida, and covers: 1) the number of existing and used languages in Nusa Penida; 2) the number of language users; 3) the role and position of these languages; 4) dialectic varieties; 5) literary traditions within Nusa Penida society. Chapter III generally deals with the structure of Balinese used in Nusa Penida: 1) phonology; 2) morphology; 3) syntax. Chapter IV presents conclusions and suggestions [omitted].
1.6 Method and technique
This research makes use of a survey method with the following techniques: observation by directly witnessing and listening to the conversations of language users. All that is heard is systematically written down. This method checks the respondents to verify steadiness or completeness, supported by recordings to verify reliability and validity. A questionnaire was used to unearth data regarding the sociocultural background of Nusa Penida. The questionnaire contains multiple-choice questions. Interviews were put forward to certain informants, chosen amongst those who are considered capable of giving complete information with regards to current research according to free-guided questions. The interviews are supported with recordings to reduce inconsistencies. Also, there is a basic vocabulary provided of 200 words.
1.7 Population and samples
The objective of this research is the sociocultural background of Balinese spoken in Nusa Penida at all levels of society. Given time and money restraints, it is not possible this can be achieved in all 13 subdistricts, as the various subdistricts are located far away from each other, hence samples are used instead. Nonetheless, these samples are representative of all subdistricts. In these investigations, samples from 10 people are taken from the following five subdistricts: Batununggul, Lembongan, Jungutbatu, Klumpu and Toyopakeh. These samples are based on the philosophy that the population of Batununggul, Lembongan, and Jungutbatu have Hindu Dharma as their religion and use Nusa Penida Balinese as their daily means of communication. The third reason is that this area can easily be reached. The language used in these three villages represents the language of the other villages, except Toyopakeh. Toyopakeh is an Islam village. Hence, their daily language is influenced heavily by their religion. Ten informants returned the questionnaire put to 30 people of the sample areas, whereas the interviews were held with four people from each sample area, mentioning their gender, profession within society.
1.8 Data management
Obtained data are chosen and classified according to the respective types of data and answers are given according to statistics, i.e. after tabulation. The data resulting from above observations are used as complementary material in stipulating the conclusion. The respective members of our team were give specific tasks on specific areas, and were discussed by the entire team. The result was then discussed to reach a communal research conclusion.
Chapter II: Sociocultural background (p.9) - 2.1 Languages
Nusa Penida consists of three islands: Nusa Penida, Nusa Ceningan and Nusa Lembongan. A shallow strait separates Nusa Ceningan and Nusa Lembongan, whereas between Nusa Penida and Nusa Ceningan and Nusa Lembongan there is a rather deep strait. During the prolonged dry season, Nusa Penida consists of dry tegalans covered with thin layers of limestone rocks. Nusa Penida once consisted of marshes, signs of which are still evident along the coast of Ped and Toyopakeh. During the dry season the soil of Nusa Penida is dry and arid, so that only coconut trees can subsist and other trees die. From November to March, corn is planted, along with beans and kedele (myrobalan).
Given this geographical situation, in around 1854 Nusa Penida was used as an exile colony as a result of an agreement of the seven Balinese rajahdoms of Klungkung, Buleleng, Bangli, Payangan, Gianyar and Mengwi. There is, however, no strong evidence for this decision. Some of the triwangsa exiled to Nusa Penida were found guilty of issues involving debts or fines. Exile, furthermore, was done on the principle of 'pengurisan' and separation of an individual from his family. So with these objectives in mind, exile to Nusa Penida became a success story. Other reasons for choosing Nusa Penida as an exile colony were to punish someone according to the desired sentence inflicted by the courts of justice. Nusa Penida was utterly suitable as a place of exile given its geographical circumstances. Apart from the above-mentioned reasons, Nusa Penida was chosen so that the exiled could open up agricultural lands and enhance land profits out there.
This historical picture of Nusa Penida is based on XXth century Dutch reports (±1920 -1930) reporting 26.000 people (Balinese and Nusapenidians, called Bali Aga). Javanese, Chinese and other foreigners also inhabit Nusa Penida. Balinese in Nusa Penida can be subdivided into two categories: Balinese newcomers and Balinese that considerer themselves original inhabitants. This latter category is referred to as Nusapenidians. The majority of Nusapenidians are farmers on dry land and for the planting of their crops they heavily depend on the rainy season. Crop harvest on dry land consists of coconuts, corn, red beans, green beans and yams (ketela pohon). Apart from being farmers, they live as sailors (fishermen), especially those along the coastal regions.
Nusa Penida society is cast-layered and apparently influenced by Balinese cast-structured society. Nusa cast-society can be subdivided into Brahmana, Ksatrya, Wesia and Sudra. The higher casts are Brahmana, Kesatrya and Wesia who carry the title of 'triwangsa', which is referred to as 'jaba' or 'kawula'. Each group (cast) is subdivided in smaller sections. The Brahmana cast is subdivided into Brahmana Siwa and Brahmana Budha, offspring of priest Dwijendra (followers of Siwa teachings) and Astapada priests (followers of Budha teachings). The kesatrya can be grouped into ksatrya Dalem, offspring of Kresna Kepakisan, Ksatrya Arya Kula, offspring of the Arya Jawa who accompanied the arrival of the Sri Kresna Kepakisan. The Wesia cast is the offspring (of those who accompanied) Sri Kepakisan, i.e. Tan Kober, Tan Kahur and Tan Mundur. Kawula is the group most present on Nusa Penida, and is subdivided into Kawula Utama, Kawula Madia and Kawula Mista. In present day Nusa Penida, only three groups survive: Ksatrya, Wesia and Kawula, whereas Brahmana is not present. Based on the geographical situation, the language of Nusa Penida as a means of communication is twofold: Balinese and Nusapenidian or the Balinese dialect used in Nusa Penida.
2.1.1/2 ('Nusapenidian') Balinese
Balinese is a language used in Nusa Penida and widely spread in coastal regions. This situation is mirrored in mainland Bali, but different from the areas where Bali Mula is spoken. The version of Balinese in Nusa Penida is used widely in Nusa Penida. This language is used widely in intimate communication by Nusapenidians, especially by those residing in the interior of the island, the mountainous regions. Balinese in Nusa Penida is the general language of daily and intimate use of the Nusapenidians whose language is considered common (kasar).
2.2 Role and positioning
Nusa Penida Balinese plays an important role in conveying ideas for Nusapenidians and is assumed to take the role of: 1. language used by school children; 2. communication language between the inhabitants of Nusa Penida. Nusa Penida Balinese as a daily means of communication in the position of a local language is used especially in a familiar environment. With regards to the position and role within Nusa Penida society, often language alterations usage are observed based on exclusively reasons of prestige. Nusapenidians [who?] hope that Nusa Penida Balinese [is used] as a 'coarse' language compared to Balinese. Often, in official situations, language alterations are heard and Balinese is used instead of Nusa Penida Balinese. This occurs when Nusapenidians come face to face with 'people of some position' or with people of higher cast.
The majority of Toyopakeh inhabitants are Mohammedans and represent various ethnic groups: Madura, Bugis, Kalimantan and Bali. In general, when they communicate in a familiar situation, they tend to use their own language. However, when using language in an inter-communal situation, they use Nusa Penida Balinese and standard Balinese. With regards to the discussion and position of Nusa Penida Balinese in Nusa Penida, here follows an analysis of its role and position within [Nusa Penida] culture.
To discuss the cultural role of Nusa Penida Balinese, we have to address the concept of culture itself. Of the many definitions of culture, Dr. Ki Hajar Dewantara states that 'Culture signifies a human way of thinking as being the result of a human struggle of two major influences: nature and the age where life of humans is managed to overcome various obstacles and problems in life to obtain safety and prosperity, which at birth are peaceful and regulated.' Starting from this thought, there is no culture in Nusa Penida intimately connected wit the elements of existing culture, such as customs, religion, arts, language and education connected to the life within households. Nusa Penida culture is by no means a fortuitous culture, as is the case in Balinese culture. It is caused by the many cultures that have entered Nusa Penida, especially the culture from Bali. Apart from this, there are Javanese and Bugis culture, whose influence on Nusa Penida culture is little to none.
2.2.1 Nusa Penida Balinese in tradition & customs
Nusa Penida cust0ms include traditional values as represented in the life of the people of Nusa Penida. Local customs are traditional, classic customs and are kept alive according to the needs of the local population. One of the customs in use in Nusa Penida includes marriage regulations: kawin kamaran, elopement (kawin lari) and forced marriages (kawin paksa) called 'melagandang'. Another custom concerns death and the custom of harvesting padi. Apart from this, there is a custom of asking for rainfall.
Other cultural elements in Nusa Penida are religion and belief. Realising that man is conscious of a realm invisible to the human senses called the mysterious world (alam gaib), he is aware of the presence of forces stronger than himself. This is a belief shown in various ways with the aim of seeking contact with these forces. There is also the belief in ethereal beings (mahluk halus), based on the belief that there are souls that keep on living outside of the body after a person has died. These souls live freely, fill the natural world and change into ethereal beings or spirits. There are good and evil spirits and forces, and white and black magic are based on this distinction. The belief system concerns the form of the mysterious world in the eyes of Koencaraningrat, the concept of which illustrates the belief system in Nusa Penida. The inhabitants of Nusa Penida consider themselves followers of Hinduism (agama tirta), as is the situation in Bali. This becomes evident from the ceremonies that take place during worshipping of God, paying respect to the ancestors, and burials. This is also valid for 'manusia yadnya', ceremonies for newborn children, marriage, offering ceremonies have much in common with those performed on mainland Bali.
Amongst the many temples in the villages, there are 'Pura Penataran' as Pura Penataran Ped, Pura Batu Madeg, Pura Mundi, Pura Tunjuk Pusuh and Pura Bakung. There are also Pura Paibon and Dadia. In Nusa Penida there is a belief in the gods or mythical tales, which is considered sacred, like the gods of Pura Ped and those of Pura Batumadeg. The people in Nusa Penida consider these gods important forces and these legends are engraved in the hearts of the island's inhabitants. One such belief concerns Ratu Gede Mecaling who is worshipped as the king of the ethereal beings and the Chief Minister (patih) at Pura Dalem Penataran Ped. The belief in Ratu Gede Mecaling has spread across to mainland Bali as well.
The use language plays in customs and traditions in Nusa Penida can be described as follows. Of all the respondents, 45% state they sometimes use Nusa Penida Balinese whereas 3.3% state they never use it. This means that Nusa Penida Balinese is often used in performing customary ceremonies. But the position of Nusa Penida Balinese here is by no means dominant. From these observations, this reality is succinctly discussed here. Nusa Penida customs and traditions demand polite, refined and respectful manners. For this reason, Balinese is widely used. However, during this research it was noted that the Balinese used is of the refined variety (Bahasa Bali halus). In informal situations, when people communicate ideas to others, especially to those not from Nusa Penida, the version used is 'halus madia'. Other data indicate that the use of Nusa Penida Balinese is not very much used during religious ceremonies or in addressing God. At these instances, the use of Balinese is dominant. These data indicate that only 10% of the respondents use Nusa Penida Balinese, 75% use Balinese, 10% use Indonesian and 5% use a mix of various languages.
2.2.2 Nusa Penida Balinese in the arts
Nusa Penida arts as an expression of its culture consist of: wayang, legong, barong, joged, gandrung and drama. These art forms were only encountered in the villages of Batununggul, Kutampi, Ped, Suana and Tanglad. Based on data accumulated in Nusa Penida, other forms of art - except for the ones found in above-mentioned villages - were not found. At Batununggul five wayang kulit were found, five sekehe legong, one joged group (association), and one drama gong. At Kutampi two barong groups and three drama gong groups were found. At Ped, we found one wayang kulit, and in Suana one barong group, one joged group, one gandrung group and one drama gong group. Wayang in its lakon performances use Jawa Kuno, as is the case in Bali. In certain adegan, Nusa Penida Balinese and Balinese was heard. This is different from the drama gong, where the actors always use Balinese, and the users of Nusa Penida Balinese are not many. Apart from these art forms, there are some that are yet not altogether well-known, such as gambuh, topeng parwa and sangyang. It can be observed that gambuh originates from Pejeng Gianyar and was developed by Cokorda Rai. Banggul and [?] took form in Batununggul. Pedanda Gede Puni from Bangli presented and further developed the sangyang dance, especially Sangyang Dedari and Sangyang Jaran.
Life of the arts in Nusa Penida has largely escaped attention from the inhabitants of Nusa Penida. In relation to the use of the language during staged performances, especially those involving language utterances (pronunciation) such as drama and wayang, the use of Nusa Penida Balinese is limited. Informants state that it is not used in 80% of the arts, and 13% state that there are no Nusa Penida art forms using Balinese. From above data it become clear that the majority of art forms do not use Nusa Penida Balinese. Apart from the arts in Nusa Penida that use Balinese, especially in drama, there are other art forms that use Jawa Kuno, such as Wayang. In dialogues, Gambuh in Nusa Penida uses Jawa Kuno, whereas 'penakawan' use Balinese in some instances mixed with Nusa Penida Balinese. The inhabitants of the capital state very clearly that words used in the arts do not originate in Nusa Penida Balinese. Amongst all the informants, there are just a few who notice that arts in Nusa Penida do not use Balinese, which obviously means that the language used is not Nusa Penida Balinese, but this is debatable. If one compares the frequency of Nusa Penida Balinese used in the types of art forms in Nusa Penida, the following picture arises: 3% of wayang use Nusa Penida Balinese; 2,5% of drama gong only use it; other art forms use 0%. Above data show that the use of Nusa Penida Balinese in the arts is relatively small, and this means that the dominant language used in the arts is Balinese, and not Nusa Penida Balinese.
2.2.3 Nusa Penida Balinese in education
Education in Nusa Penida is below standard, i.e. education does not comply yet with SITA levels. We noticed, however, that there are schools in all the villages of Nusa Penida. From collected data, there are schools from kindergarten up to senior secondary school (SMA). The curriculum, especially in primary school (SD), offers language education similar to Bali.
The position of Nusa Penida Balinese in schools as a means of secondary (accompanying) language and as a means of communication between teacher and pupils (and vice versa) has not yet found its right place. From direct observations, when pupils socialise at schools Nusa Penida Balinese is used. But in other relations such as conversations with teachers, it is never used and instead they use Balinese. When they converse with their friends, Nusa Penida Balinese is even often mixed with Balinese. These observations have come to light as a result of the answers given in response to a questionnaire. 20% of the informants declare they use Nusa Penida Balinese at school, 37,5% sometimes use it, whereas 43,5% say they never use it when socialising at school. From these data the conclusion is reached that Nusa Penida Balinese is not used as an accompanying language when socialising at school. Apparently, only in schools in the mountainous regions Nusa Penida Balinese is used as a dominant socialising language. This can be understood as it is used primarily within the population of the mountainous regions. Apart from this, regional language teaching at schools is Balinese and Nusa Penida Balinese is never taught. The accompanying language for pupils from first to third grade at SD is Balinese. This can be illustrated judging from the answers pupils have given in coastal regions. Those from mountainous areas , however, state that the accompanying language in education, apart from Balinese, is more often than not mixed with Nusa Penida Balinese. It is even felt that the use of Nusa Penida Balinese is more intimate between pupils and teachers. From all of this, it can be concluded that Nusa Penida Balinese is used merely as an additional language, especially in schools in the mountains. In cities on mainland and coastal regions, however, the accompanying language is Balinese and this language takes centre stage.
For the sake of theory, the position of Nusa Penida Balinese does not generally follow the curriculum valid in Nusa Penida. In the SD curriculum, it stated that regional language as a major school subject at SD level is at the same level as Indonesian: a. foster a feeling of love and develop skills to pronounce and enjoy the beauty of language for the pupils; b. foster a feeling of love and develop rational and practical dynamic thinking skills; c. foster a feeling of love and develop skills for the oral and written language. Apparently, the 1986 curriculum on Nusa Penida Balinese in Nusa Penida was not applied as hoped. This was due to various factors. From interviews with teachers in Nusa Penida, the problem is due to Nusa Penida Balinese teachers themselves, but also the fact that not many books were written in this language contributed to the problem. Therefore, Nusa Penida Balinese has a narrow scope and is only used in very restricted areas. The limited scope of conversation refers only to communication within a familiar environment, whereas in conversations with people from outside Nusa Penida, leaders are ashamed of using Nusa Penida Balinese. Hence, their response is characterised by low self-esteem in using it. As a result, Balinese is used instead most of the time.
After that, the 1975 curriculum was applied consistently in all of Indonesia and from SD grade I to VI Indonesian was used as an accompanying language at the cost of the local language. Furthermore, Indonesian was given even more importance as a language in the 1975 curriculum: a. pupils have basic knowledge which can be used as a basis of conversational, listening and writing skills in Indonesian; b. pupils master sufficient knowledge of Indonesian with the objective of cultivating Indonesian as a scholarly language; c. pupils master conversational, listening and writing skills in Indonesian with the objective of applying this language correctly and precisely; d. pupils master sufficient critical skills as to the use of Indonesian; e. pupils prefer to use proper Indonesian.
With such emphasis on Indonesian in Indonesia in general, and especially in di Nusa Penida, Nusa Penida Balinese does not get attention at all, both as an accompanying language and as a course subject, let alone in the world of education as a whole. The curriculum at high(er) levels is the next stage of education at SMPs. Planned course subjects give pupils their scholarly basis so that after that they are able to develop their talents within society. In this respect, language as a means of communication is a general tool for creativity, feelings and intention. Because of this, within SITA, two hours of local language are taught as part of (their) culture at grades II and III as a means of developing basic knowledge. From data gathered in Nusa Penida, the position of Nusa Penida Balinese strongly depends on the expected assumption, i.e. pupils lack attention in this respect, and it is noticed that even in their daily conversations, they use Balinese. There are those amongst them who do not even understand it as educational books are written in Indonesian and Balinese.
To obtain a picture of the use of Nusa Penida Balinese as a means of communication between pupil and teacher in or outside schools, observe the following data: 0% state they always use Nusa Penida Balinese; 16% state they rarely use it; 43,3% state they never use it; 40% state they mix Nusa Penida Balinese with other languages. These data show that there were no pupils using Nusa Penida Balinese in conversations with teachers in any situation. This can be understood when realising that almost all of the teachers at SD level in Nusa Penida are from Bali and that during our research, there were no teachers from Nusa Penida. Also, 16% of respondents state they rarely use Nusa Penida Balinese. This means that in certain situations, especially during intimate conversations between pupils and teachers, Nusa Penida Balinese is used. This is the case especially where schools are situated in villages or the mountainous regions. Nonetheless, the percentage is high for those who use some kind of a mixed language of Nusa Penida Balinese and [standard] Balinese. It can be concluded that the use of Nusa Penida Balinese in conversations between pupils and teachers in and outside of schools depends on its use as a communicative language between pupils and teachers, albeit relatively insignificant if the schools are at some distance from the capital. The occurrence of mixed language, however, seems to prevail everywhere. It has been noted that in cities Nusa Penida Balinese is never used as a means of communication.
Furthermore, to get a clear picture of Nusa Penida Balinese as an accompanying language (course subject), observe the following data: 13,3% of the respondents state they fully understand it; 33,3% state they largely understand it; 53,3% declare they understand most of it and 0% state they do not understand Nusa Penida Balinese. These data show that if it is used as an accompanying language, many pupils declare they fully understand course subjects as presented by their teachers. The percentage of those who fully and partially understand is relatively high, whereas there are no pupils who declare they do not understand if the teacher uses Nusa Penida Balinese during lessons. This illustrates its importance, as it plays a pivotal role as an accompanying language.
2.2.4 Nusa Penida Balinese in domestic situations
Daily domestic conversations occur socially within families, children, husband and wife. During these intimate conversations, the social intimate language is used. In Nusa Penida, the intimate family language is largely Nusa Penida dialect. Apparently, the use of this language in Nusa Penida is not restricted to certain social layers but that it is used amongst various groups within Nusa Penida society. For example, amongst farmers and workers, Nusa Penida Balinese is often used. These data are illustrated in below questionnaire.
When familiar talks take place between mother, father and child, 70% [of respondents] state they use Nusa Penida Balinese; 6,6% state they use Balinese; 5% state they use Indonesian and 8,4% state they use a mix of languages. These statistics show that when Nusapenidians communicate within a familiar environment, the majority of Nusapenidian families use Nusa Penida Balinese as compared to other languages. Hence, its position is fairly dominant. Other research results show that other families in daily conversation use Indonesian, Balinese or a mix of languages. However, languages apart from Nusa Penida Balinese are not dominant within Nusa Penida families. Its use apparently changes in conversations between one family with another. In these situations, 70% state they always use Nusa Penida Balinese, 20% state they sometimes use it, and 10% state they never use it. In these situations its use is also dominant, although there are some families that state they sometimes or never use it. Those families who state they sometimes or never use Nusa Penida Balinese are families that do not originate from Nusa Penida, or those who - for religious reasons - do not use Nusa Penida Balinese. They use other languages such as Indonesian or a mix of the two.
The use of Nusa Penida Balinese in Nusa Penida is not dominated by one specific (social) group, but the use is limited to certain groups within Nusa Penida society: farmers, tradesmen etc. The frequency, however, is variable. This become evident from the following data: 26,6% of ordinary workers use Nusa Penida Balinese; 0% of civil servants; 70% or farmers and 3,3% of tradesmen.
These data show that amongst farmers the use of Nusa Penida Balinese is most dominant when they communicate with their families. Next in line are the ordinary workers and tradesmen. There are, however, no civil servants that use it in conversation with their families. We were able to assess this by direct observations. As a rule, farmers use it in (intimate) familiar situations. Ordinary workers live along the beach and in cities, and their life rituals are much influenced by other languages such as Indonesian. This situation is the reason that their homely conversations involve Indonesian when they communicate with their families. No civil servants are reported to use Nusa Penida Balinese as the majority of families of civil servants in Nusa Penida consist of people from outside of Nusa Penida and their native language is not Nusa Penida Balinese. Where tradesmen and their families are concerned, the use of BNP is limited. This is caused by the fact that tradesmen generally 'splash around with foreign people'. Only a small percentage of tradesmen socially involved with people from outside of Nusa Penida will use Nusa Penida Balinese. To give a clear picture of how it functions as a means of communication outside of family life amongst farmers, workers, tradesmen and civil servants: 86,6% of famers always use it outside of the family environment; 43,3% or workers always use it outside of the family environment [...?]
2.3 Literary traditions: written literature (p.28) - 1. Palm leaf inscriptions (Lontar)
A number of important palm leaf inscriptions (lontar) lontar have been found in Nusa Penida, such as Ramayana, Bratayudha and Cupak-Grantang. All these lontar were written using Balinese script. In Bali, in comparison, many more lontars have been encountered. In Bali, there is an extensive lontar collection in schools and institutions involving many of the lontar contents mentioned above. During our research, no collections of lontars were found in Nusa Penida until this moment. The 'lontar situation' can be illustrated by the following statements: a) 90% [of respondents] state that there is a lontar tradition; b) 2% state that there is no such tradition, or they are not aware of it; c) 5% is not aware of such tradition. These data clearly show that Nusa Penida society is familiar with a lontar tradition, and at the same time it proves that Nusa Penida society acknowledges that there literary traditions written down in lontars. However, compared to this tradition in Bali, the situation is very different. There are relatively few people who state that there is no lontar tradition or are unaware of it. This means that only a small percentage of Nusa Penida society is not aware of lontar traditions. It was observed that these people are not originally from Nusa Penida or Bali.
The question arises which script was used to write these lontars. Nearly all informants state that lontars were written using Balinese script and that there were none written in other scripts. This can be confirmed given the fact that the development of lontars in Nusa Penida took place in Bali. This means that lontars present and developed in Nusa Penida originate from Bali. The informants declare that all lontars in Nusa Penida are in fact of Balinese origin. But this is a mere supposition as to the reason why lontar written in Balinese script are found in Nusa Penida: 1) First of all, it is possible that these lontars are Balinese, written in Bali, afterwards transported by Balinese to Nusa Penida; 2) Secondly, these lontars could have been written by Balinese in Nusa Penida.
Collecting lontars in Nusa Penida is generally done individually by independent people. No efforts have been made by the government to collect all lontars in Nusa Penida, especially those in the hands of the people in Nusa Penida. From interviews, it become clear that collecting lontars is difficult: a) 47% [of respondents] state that collecting lontars is difficult; b) 25% state that there is no financial compensation (pay); 84% state that there is no interest; d) 10% state that there are not enough people to do the job. These data explain that collecting lontars is a difficult task. This can be confirmed give the fact that Nusa Penida society, especially village communities, consider lontars to be sacred (keramat). Accessing these lontars and study their content needs to be done according to set regulations. Bearing this in mind, Nusapenidians with difficulty are willing to show their lontars, let alone giving them to other people. The financial compensation or pay is a rather touchy subject. There is no specific budget for such work. Apart from this, there are as yet no specialists in Nusa Penida able to read lontars and the interpretation (reading) of lontars is not yet possible to this moment. There are, however, some lontars that have been transcribed thanks to the efforts of individuals, such as lontar Ramayana, Kekawin and Arjunawiwaha.
Prose or fabrications in Nusa Penida are known as stories. Here, the form of stories is not yet 'fixed' (dibubuhkan). Judging by the form of the stories, it can be observed that many of them are found in lontars in Bali. From collected data, the most famous stories in Nusa Penida are, amongst others: Cupak-Gerantang, Cilinaya, Ceri [...], [and] stories concerning belief and magic. The most widely spread stories in Nusa Penida deal with religion, customs and traditions, heroes, advise and those concerned with education.
Another form in which literature was created comes in the form of drama. The concept of drama is here limited to folk drama. In a number of places we encountered forms of drama, such as wayang kulit, wayang wong, joged, gandrung and drama gong in Batununggul. In the village of Ped we found wayang kulit and in Suana we found joged, gandrung and drama gong. Examining the type of story, Nusa Penida society generally is of the opinion that these stories originate from Bali, but there are also those who claim that they originate from Nusa Penida itself. Examining the stories that were brought here and taking into account [the opinion of] knowledgeable trainers or those who guide the performances of this Balinese art form, we are more inclined to state that these stories were taken from Bali and afterwards spread around Nusa Penida, after which they were adapted to the local situation and conditions. These stories were taken from: a) lontar: 60%; b) orally transmitted stories: 15%; c) books: 15%; others: 10%.
Given above data, 60% of informants state that stories played out or used in lakon originate in stories written down in lontars; 15% of informants state that stories used in art forms are taken from folk stories and 10% state that these stories have other origins, which are not know to us. The remaining 10% of informants say these stories are found in books. The above observations testifying that stories are taken from lontars is a fact of which we are aware in Bali; these stories are well-known in Bali. 90% of the stories are written in standard Balinese, so the use of standard Balinese is dominant. Sometimes, however, Nusa Penida dialect is used and in other instances Jawa Kuno is used where it concerns spoken language, especially in wayang to a lesser extent in drama gong by certain actors. Nusa Penida Balinese is, therefore, not very dominant, and is here only used as a 'helping' language merely used to explain the text. The use of Jawa Kuno is taken from Jawa Kuno used in Bali, for example in lakon wayang.
2.3.2 Oral literature
Oral literature in Nusa Penida is often found in the form of prose and contains legends (dongeng), (elements of) belief, magic and stories about the gods. Not many oral stories have as yet been recorded in written form as there seems to be not sufficient need to do so. The existing oral stories in Nusa Penida, apart from those in the form of prose, come in the form of theatre (sandiwara). Popular oral stories revolve mainly around I Dukuh Jumpungan, a person with holy strength (sakti): his proa was overturned and it later turned into the island of Ceningan, presently worshipped at Pura Bakung. Besides, there is the tale of Ratu Gede Mecaling who is considered a sacred force (kekuatan sakti) able to spread disaster. This story has spread to the village of Ped, amongst others, and the concept exists of that these ethereal beings, called Wong Gamang, took possession of the marshes all along the beach. These Wong Gamang were lead by Ratu Gede Mecaling. This belief has not only spread in Nusa Penida but reached mainland Bali as well. Hence, in Bali there exists the concept that Nusa Penida is a magical island (an opinion in former times). And each five years, these ethereal beings are on the lookout for human victims. This is the reason the people of Bali should always be alert and ask for protection to the gods at Besakih or the local Pura Dalem in order not to fall victim to Dalem Ped. This belief constitutes the rationale by which Nusa Penida was chosen as an special area by the Klungkung Kings in former times. Balinese who committed crimes and who were sentenced were sent to Nusa Penida and placed around the village of Ped. If the convicted person was still living, it meant that the convicted person had been sentenced unjustly. However, the opposite was also valid: if they died, their souls were thought to be joining the ethereal beings (makhluk halus) at Ped.
Besides, there is also the belief from the village of Toyapakeh. This tale is linked with the arrival of Javanese Raden Jumat to Nusa Penida [probably: the village of Penida}. In those times, this place was covered in jungle and there were many wild banteng. Raden Jumat was allowed to kill these cows and the place were he killed cattle was called Perbekelan Sakti. These cows were turned into jerked meat (dendeng) and transported to Java. Not long after, there were no more banteng to be found there. The forest where these cows once lived was taken and occupied by Raden Jumat, after which he planted many coconut trees there. Raja Klungkung also got word of this story and summoned Jumat over to Klungkung. In Klungkung, Raden Jumat's errors were forgiven. Raden Jumat, then, was bestowed land in Penida by the Raja Klungkung. Raden Jumat had a son named Raden Muhammad Mustafa, who begat two sons: Hamzah and Haji Ali. For religious purposes, a mosque was erected in Penida, built in the area where the hunts had taken place in former days. At a given moment, Haji Husin from Banjarmasin came to Bali and brought diamonds, which he sold in Klungkung. Haji Husin also taught Malay in Klungkung and there he married with Ketut Dauh. From this marriage, he begat Haji Abas and Haji Arif. Raja Klungkung gave Haji Husin a plantation at Penida. It turned out that Haji Husin's land was located in the region of Hamzah and Haji Ali. Haji Husin, at a certain moment, went looking for water. But everywhere he looked, water was considered 'foreign' [asing: not drinkable?] and henceforth this place became known as Toyapakeh. This is also the reason why Toyapakeh is the only place with Mohammedan inhabitants, who arrived there from Bugis, Jawa and Kalimantan.
3 Structure of Nusa Penida dialect: 3.1 Phonology
The existing phonemes within Nusa Penida dialect can be classified in merely two groups: vocal and consonant phonemes. There is no diphthong phoneme in Nusa Penida dialect.
3.1.1 Vocal phonemes
There are six vocal in Nusa Penida dialect: /i, e, a, u, c/. The distribution of these is shown in below table (p.35).
|1||/i/||[iyə] 'ia'||(s)he||[hibi] 'kemarin'||yesterday||[kahi] 'tertinggal'||left behind|
|2||/e/||[edup] 'hidup'||live||[periŋ] 'piring'||plate||[rame] 'ramai'||busy|
|3||/a/||[abə] 'bawa'||bring||[dawə] 'panjang'||long||-||-|
|4||/ə/||[əmpuh] 'roboh'||broken||[daləm] 'dalam'||inside||[namə] 'saudara'||brother, family member|
|5||/u/||[umpan] 'umpan'||example||[bulu] 'bulu'||hair, feather||[malu] 'depan'||in front|
|6||/o/||[onuŋ] 'jatuh'||fall||[roko] 'rokok'||cigarette||[mako] 'tembakau'||tobacco|
Vocal phoneme /a/ in last position is not present in Nusa Penida dialect; hence this distribution is not complete. Other vocals do have full distribution, as they are fond in initial, middle and final positions.
3.1.2 Consonant phonemes
There are 18 consonant phonemes in Nusa Penida Dialect: /b, p, m, d, t, n, j, c, ñ, g, k, ŋ, h, w, y, l, r, s/. Their distribution is shown in below table (p.36).
|1||/b/||[besə] 'bisa'||able to||[ambun] 'awan'||cloud||[ɔŋkəh] 'panas'||hot|
|2||/p/||[patuh] 'sama'||same||[tepat] 'ketupat'||ketupat||[alap] 'petik'||pick|
|3||/m/||[mosuh] 'musuh'||enemy||[sampi] 'sapi'||cow||[kəlam] 'tenggelam'||drown|
|4||/d/||[dakEn] 'dangkal'||shallow||[adə] 'ada'||be||[ɔləd] 'ulat'||caterpillar|
|5||/t/||[tau] 'tahu'||know||[batu] 'batu'||stone||[agət] 'bahagia'||happy|
|6||/n/||[nu] 'masih'||still||[tanəm] 'tanam'||to plant||[tohun] 'turun'||descend|
|7||/j/||[jelEk] 'buruk'||bad||[jajə] 'jajan'||sweets||-||-|
|8||/c/||[carɔ] 'cara'||way||[kacə] 'kaca'||bean||-||-|
|9||/ñ/||[ñoño] 'susu'||milk, breast||[hɔñə] 'habis'||finished||-||-|
|10||/g/||[gulə] 'gula'||sugar||[jagə] 'jaga'||guard||[tempug] 'lempar'||throw|
|11||/k/||[kampih] 'terdampar'||gone aground, cast ashore, dumped off at||[kaki] 'kakek'||grandpa||[nɔŋkɔk] 'duduk'||sti|
|12||/ŋ/||[ŋEdan] 'ngidan'||?||[bɔŋə] 'bunga'||flower||[lantaŋ] 'panjang'||long|
|13||/h/||[habut] 'cabut'||wtidraw, cut||[behaŋ] 'beri'||give||[taluh] 'telur'||egg|
|14||/w/||[wajə] 'baja'||steel||[sawat] 'jauh'||far||-||-|
|15||/y/||[yEh] 'air'||water||[yuyu] 'ketan'||sticky rice||-||-|
|16||/l/||[ləsər] 'lurus'||straight||[belus] 'basah'||wet||[təŋal] 'nakal'||naughty|
|17||/r/||[rasə] 'rasa'||feeling||[rarə] 'bayi'||baby||[səgər] 'sehat'||health|
|18||/s/||[sEmEr] 'sumur'||well||[dasə] 'sepuluh'||10||[bəs] 'terlalu'||too|
Amongst the 18 consonant phonemes in Nusa Penida dialect, there are those whose distribution is 'complete' [in all positions] and incomplete [not in all positions]. Consonant phonemes /b, p, m, d, t, n, g, k, ŋ, h, l, r, s/ can be found in all three positions, and are therefore called 'complete'. Consonant phonemes /j, c, ñ, w, y/ only take initial and middle positions, hence they are referred to as 'incomplete'.
In Nusa Penida dialect there are five types of syllabic patterns, as illustrated in below table (p.37).
|1||V||[ati] 'hati'||liver, heart||[abə] 'bawa'||bring|
|2||VC||[antəŋ] 'rajin'||dexterous||[umpan] 'umpan'||example|
|3||CV||[kapah] 'jarang'||seldom||[bəhog] 'bodoh'||stupid|
|4||CVC||[habut] 'cabut'||withdraw||[jəmak] 'ambil'||take|
|5||CCVC||[brandut] 'dibawa sekaligus'||brought in at the same time?||-||-|
|[trɔntɔŋ] 'pukul'||hit, beat||-||-|
Legend: V = Vocal, C = Consonant
3.2 Morphology - 3.2.1 Word 'formers'
The formation of words in Balinese Nusa Penida dialect is achieved by affixation, repetition (reduplication), and compounds word forms. A new word can be formed by adding affix to the root morpheme. This affix can be placed before or after the root morpheme, for instance the root morpheme taluh /taluh/ 'egg' can be turned into a new word by placing the affix [mə-] in front of it so it becomes /mətaluh/ 'to lay eggs'. Root morpheme alih /alih/ 'look for' can be transformed into a new word by adding suffix ang [-aŋ] at the back of it by which it then becomes /alihaŋ/ 'to look for something for someone'. Root morpheme uruk /uruk/ 'teach' can be transformed into a new word by putting affix [N-] in front and suffix ang /-aŋ/ at the back so that it becomes 'ŋurukaŋ' 'teach something'. One of these two affixes can be adjoined first to the root morpheme uruk /uruk/ 'teach'. Root morpheme jaran /jaran/ 'horse' can be transformed into a new word by placing affix me [mə] in front and suffix [-an] at the back, by which it becomes mejaranan /mejaranan/ 'to ride a horse'. These two suffixes have to be placed at the same time to the root morpheme jaran /jaran/ 'horse'.
Apart from new words, formed by placing an affix to the root morpheme as illustrated above, new words can also be formed by repeating the root form (including root morphemes), both integrally and partially, both involving a change of phoneme, or no change at all. For instance, the root morpheme nyambu / ñambu/ 'rose-apple' can be repeated integrally to become nyambu-nyambu /ñambu-ñambu/ 'rose-apples'. The root form metebeka /mətəbəkan/ 'to stab (each other)' can be repeated to become metebak-tebekan /mətəbək-təbəkan/ 'to stab each other repetitiously'. Root morpheme bading /badiŋ/ 'return' can be repeated integrally involving a phoneme change to become bodang-beding /bodaŋ badiŋ/ 'back and forth'.
Two or more root morphemes can be joined into a new word with a new meaning, for instance root morpheme nanang /nanaŋ/ 'father' and meme /meme/ 'mother' can be transformed into a new word, a compound, by uniting the two separate morphemes into one word nanang meme /nanaŋ meme/ 'father and mother, parents'. Affixation, reduplication and compounds will be analysed below. This analysis, however, is a general one as this research is in its initial stages. More analysis will be done in future research.
Based on its position, affixes come in three forms: prefix, infix and suffix. The affix placed before the root morpheme is called prefix; if it is inserted in the middle of a root morpheme, it is called infix, and if it is added at the end of a root morpheme it is called suffix. Besides, there are other prefixes and suffixes that are place simultaneously to a root morpheme, normally referred to as confix, ambifix or simulfix. Amongst the many types of affixes, the ones found in Nusa Penida dialect are: A) prefix [N-, pe-, me-, ke-, se-]; B) suffix [-an, -aŋ, -ə]; C) confix occurring simultaneously with an affix [mə-an, pə-an, kə-an].
A) Prefix - 1) Prefix [N-]
Prefix [N-] is realised in the form of /m-, n-, ŋ-, ñ, ŋə-, Ø/ depending on the initial phoneme of the basic form. Observe the following examples: [N-] + p, b becomes /m-/, e.g.: /pəgat/ - /məgat/ 'memutuskan' - decide; /pasaŋ/ - /masaŋ/ 'memasang' - install, fasten, hang up; /bəli/ - /məli/ 'membeli' - buy; /bota?/ - /moka?/ 'membuka' - open.
[N-] + t, d becomes /n-/, e.g.: /tampah/ - /nampah/ 'menyembelih' - slaughter; /tanəm/ - /nanəm/ 'menanam' - to plant; /taŋkəp/ - /naŋkəp/ 'menangkap' - catch; /dEŋəh/ - /nEŋəh/ 'mendengar' - listen; /dəsə?/ - /nəsəh/ - 'mendesak' - push, urge; /dada?/ - /nada?/ - 'mendadak' - sudden.
[N-] + k, g, vocal becomes /ŋ/, e.g.: /kekih/ - /ŋekih/ 'memarut' - grind; /kambaŋ/ - /nambaŋ/ 'mengambang' - float; /koruŋ/ - /ŋoruŋ/ 'mengurung' - lessen; (p.41) /gorEŋ/ - /ŋoreŋ/ 'menggoreng' - fry; /ganti/ - /ŋanti/ 'mengganti' - substitute, change; /gəbug/ - /ŋəbug/ 'memukul' - hit, beat; /adəp/ - /ŋadəp/ 'menjual' - sell; /atur/ - /ŋatur/ 'mengatur' - arrange; /iri/ - /ŋiri/ 'mengiri' - be jealous of?; /intip/ - /ŋintip/ - 'mengintip' - spy on; /Orag/ - /ŋOrag/ 'rontok' - shed; /Olah/ - /ŋOlah/ 'mengusir' - expell; /ampug/ - /ŋampug/ 'membelah' - split in half; /Elag/ - /ŋElag/ 'memamah' - ?
N-] + s, c, j becomes /ñ-/, e.g.: /soluh/ - /ñoluh/ 'menusuk' - ; /saŋih/ - /ñaŋih/ 'mengasah' - ; /sEkat/ - /ñEkat/ 'menyikat' - brush, comb; /sapih/- /ñapih/ 'pak pok' - wean a child; /səloluŋ/ - /ñəloluh/ 'menyeruduk' - go with the head lowered; /cəku?/ - /ñəku?/ 'mencekik' - quarrel; /caŋkit/ - /ñaŋkit/ 'belas kata' - ; /jəpit/ - /ñəpit/ 'menjepit' - squeeze; /jəma?/ - /ñəma?/ -?
[N-] + r, l, w becomes /ŋə/, e.g.: /roruh/ - /ŋəroruh/ 'mencari ke' - look for?; /rañab/ - /ŋərañab/ 'berkilauan' - luster, shine; /ləpOg/ - /ŋələpOg/ 'merebus' - boil; /lambət/ - /ŋəlambət/ 'memukul dengan tali' - hit with a rope; /wanEn/ - /ŋəwanEnan/ 'bertambah beranih' - encourage oneself; (p.42) /walE?/ - /ŋəwalE?/ 'belas kata' - ?; /wayaŋ/ - /ŋəwayaŋ/ 'mengadakan pertunjukan wayang'.
Root forms starting with consonants /p, b, t, d, k, g, s, c, j/ are all assimilated. In Nusa Penida dialect, nasal prefix [N-] is generally used in forming active verbs but root forms starting with nasal consonant /m, n, ñ, ŋ/ are not 'in itself' given as an active verb. Function and meaning of nasal prefix [N] is the same as the prefix [me-] in Indonesian. These similarities can be observed in following examples. 1) If the root form is a verb, its function becomes an active transitive verb, e.g.: /jəmah?/ - /ñəmah?/ 'mengambil' - take; /gae/ - /ñae/ 'membuat' - do; /jOŋkra?/ - /ñOŋkra?/ 'membajak' - plough; 2) If the root form is a noun, its function is to transform this noun into a verb, with the following meanings. a) To perform a job with the instrument contained in its root form, e.g.: /jariŋ/ - /ñariŋ/ 'menjala' - fish with casting net /arit/ - /ŋarit/ 'menyabit' - cut (grass, rice); b) (p.43) To perform what is stated in the root form, e.g.: /ləmpOg/ - /ŋələmpOg/ 'merebus ubi kayu' - boil ubi kayu (dible tuber); /təpuŋ/ - /ŋəpuŋ/ 'membuat tepung' - make (rice) flour; /bolih/ - /molih/ 'semaian' - seedling; c) Eat, drink or 'smoke' the root form, e.g.: /kopi/ - /ŋopi/ 'minum kopi' - drink coffee; /roko/ - /ŋəroko/ 'mengisap rokok' - smoke; /hampo/ - /ŋampo/ 'makan tanah liat' - eat clay; d) Work using the object of the root form, e.g.: /kərakad/ - /ŋərakad/ 'meratakan tanah' - level the soil; /jOŋkrak/ - /ŋOŋkrak/ 'membajak' - plough; /kañcuh/ - /ŋañcuh/ 'membuang air' - urinate; 3) If the root form is an adverbial, its meaning becomes [...], e.g.: /kəbus/ - /ŋəbus/ 'mujur' - straight, luck; /iri/ - /ŋiri/ 'menjadi iri' - become jealous; /jOh/ - /ŋəjOh/ 'menjauh' - grow distant.
2) Prefix [pə-]
The form of the prefix [pə-] can be divided into two different types: a) prefix [pə + N]; b) prefix [pə-] without [N-]; c) Prefix [pə + N]. Joining of the root form with prefix [pə + N] is done to form a verb. There are nasal forms with [pə + N], which depend on the initial phoneme of the root form. Nasalising is identical to the nasal prefix as explained above. Observe following examples: [pə+N] + p, b becomes /pəm-/, e.g.: /patuh/ - /pəmatuh/ 'guna-guna' - witchcraft; /bakuh/ /pemakuh/ 'perakit' - assembler; [pə+N] + t, d becomes /pən/, e.g.: /toluŋ/ - /pənoluŋ/ ' penolong' - helper, auxiliary; /dasar/ - /pənasar/ 'pundamen' - ?; [pə+N] + k, g, vocal becomes /pəŋ/, e.g.: /kancuh/ - /pəŋancuh/ 'alat pembuang air' - scoop; /gəliŋ/ - /pəŋaliŋ/ 'penggiling' - grinder. But the forming of non-nasal prefix [pə], generally functions to produce adverbials. Observe following examples: p + /kəsEh/ - /pəkəsEh/ 'berbitik-bitik' - ?; p + /gəlur/ - / pəgelur/ 'berteriak-teriak' - scream repetitiously; p + /slEwar/ - /pəslEwə/ 'mondar-mandir' - back and forth; p + /slambah/ - /pəslambah/ 'berserahkan' - surrender, transfer
Meaning and function of prefix [pə-] is as follows: a) Formation of nouns the meaning of which is supported by, amongst others: 1) Menyatakan alat, e.g.: 1) Instrument, e.g.: /pəsaluk/ 'perhiasan' - jewelry; /pəŋeliŋ/ 'nama alat jukung' - name of a jukung instrument?; /pəŋancuh/ 'alat pembuang air' - instrument to urinate? (p.45) /pematuh/ 'guna-guna' - witchcraft; 2) Expresses the person who performs a job as referred to in the root form, e.g.: /pəŋaŋon/ 'gembala' - shepherd, herdsman; /pənapət/ 'pewaris' - heir; /pəlañcah/ 'pelayan' - waiter, sales clerk, attendant; b) Adverbial former meaning 'move or sound like, e.g.: /pəkəsEh/ 'berbisik-bisik' - whisper; /pəhEmaŋ/ 'bergegas-gegas' - be in a hurry /pəclubcub/ 'keluar-masuk' - go in an out.
3) Prefix [mə-]
Morphophonemic formation possibly occurs if the root form to which a prefix [mə-] is adjoined, starts with a vocal phoneme, e.g.: [mə-]+ /Oləs/ - /mOləs/ 'berparas baik' - have good appearances; [me-]+ /ndəp/ - /madəp/ 'terjual' - sold; [me-]+ /oŋkab/ - /mOŋkab/ - terbuka' - open. The function of prefix [mə-] is to form verbs supported in meaning by: a) To possess, e.g.: /madan/ 'bernama' - named; /məboŋo/ ' berbunga' to flower, blossom; /məhanak/ 'beranak' - have children; /mədagaŋ/ - berjualan' - sell several goods, sell for a living; b) To use, e.g.: (p.46) /məbEdak/ 'berlayar' - sail; /məklambi/ 'berbaju' - wear clothes; /mərambəd/ 'berselendang' - wear a stole or shawl; /məhajan/ 'bertangga' - with steps; c) To get or produce, e.g.: /mətaluh/ 'bertelur' - lay eggs; /məbati/ 'beruntung' - be lucky; /mopah/ 'berupah' - be paid a fee; /məbuah/ 'berbuah' - bear fruit; d) Expresses an action regarding oneself (reflexive), e.g.: /məpayas/ 'berhias' - be decorated, dress oneself; /məcokur/ 'bercukur, berkelana' - shave oneself, roam, wander; /məkəlid/ 'mengelak' - get out of the way, move to evade.
4) Prefix [kə-]
As is the case with prefix [mə-], this morphophonemic process also occurs with prefex [kə-], e.g.: [kə-]+/opah/ - /kopah/ 'bayaran untuk tari-tarian' - fee paid for dancing; [kə-]+/adəp/ - /kadəp/ 'terjual' - sold; [kə-]+/opət/ - /kopət/ 'sibuk' - busy; [kə-]+/Esəp/ - /kEsəp/ 'terisap' - smoked. Function and meaning of prefix [kə-]: a) expresses an abstract noun, e.g.: /kəpalu/ 'tergila-gila' - crazy about, infatuated; /kasor/ 'tersalahkan' - accused; (p.47) /kopət/ 'kesibukan' - occupation, hobby, something to keep oneself busy with; /kədituan/ 'akhirat' hereafter; b) expresses a passive verb, e.g.: /kətaŋəh/ 'diketahui' - known; /kopah/ 'dibayar' - paid; /kəbatək/ 'terpaksa' - forced; /kəsasar/ 'terdampar' - gone aground, cast ashore, dumped off at.
5) Prefix [sə-]
Meaning supported by prefix [sə-] is as follows. It expresses 'the same as', e.g.: /sətəgəh/ 'setinggih' - as tall as; /səgəge/ 'sebesar' as big as; /səsEtoŋ/ 'sekuat' - as strong as; /səsandag/ 'serakus' - as greedy as. It coincides with, e.g.: /səkalah/ 'sepeninggal' - at the moment of dying; /sətəkə/ 'setiba' - at the moment of arrival; /səsobal/ 'seselesai' - at the moment it is finished. It expresses 'each' or 'every', e.g.: /səwai/ 'sehari-hari' - daily; /səpətə/ 'setiap malam' - every night; /sədahət/ 'setiap siang' - every noon, daytime.
B) Suffix: 1) Suffix [-an]
Meaning and funtion: As a noun former, with following meanings: an instrument, e.g.: /saŋihan/ 'pengasuh' - nurse, guardian; /apitan/ 'penjepit' - tweezers; /kikihan/ 'pemarut kelapa' - coconut grinder; /taŋkəban/ 'alat penangkap ketan' - ?;a place, e.g.: /tənəman/ 'kuburan' - grave; /joŋkOkan/ 'tempat duduk' - place to sit down; /pədəman/ 'tempat tidur' - sleeping place; /pədasan/ 'tempat mandi' - place to take a shower; a measurement, e.g.: /wahian/ 'seharian' - daily; /tEbanan/ 'tahunan' - yearly; /bOlanan/ 'bulanan' - monthly; /siuan/ 'seribuan' - thousands. If the root form is a reduplication, it indicates a superlative, e.g.: /puntul-puntulan/ 'setumpul-tumpulnya' - as blunt as possible; /bəcat- bəcatan/ 'secepat-cepatnya' - as quickly as possible; /waras-warasan/ 'segemuk-gemuknya' as fat as possible; a comparative, e.g.: /təgəhan/ 'lebih tinggi' - taller; /jahanan/ 'lebih kemudian' - later; /babuanan/ 'lebih di atas' - higher up; a former of passive verbs, e.g.: /bəsəhan/ 'cuci' - wash; (p.49) /Oyahan/ 'garami' - salt something, worsen; /ajahan/ 'ajari' - teach; /kənəhan/ 'pikiri' - worry.
2) Suffix [-aŋ]
The function of suffix [-aŋ] is to form verbs with following meanings: a) to increase, e.g.: /ŋitikaŋ/ 'makin sedikit' - less and less; /ñuhihaŋ/ 'bertambah kaya' - increasingly rich; /ŋətədaŋ/ 'bertambah kental' - increasingly thick (of syrup); /ŋodEnaŋ/ 'bertambah besar' - bigger and bigger; b) Move towards or in the directions of..., e.g.: /ŋauhaŋ/ 'menuju ke barat' - go to the west; /ŋahəpaŋ/ 'bergerak ke depan' - move forward; /mənEkaŋ/ 'bergerak ke atas' - move upwards; /naŋahaŋ/ 'menujuh ke tengah' - move to the middle; c) Expresses the meaning for someone else, e.g.: /alihaŋ/ 'carikan' - look for something for someone else; /belihaŋ/ 'belikan' - to buy for someone else; /alapaŋ/ 'petikkan' - pick for someone else; /tomanaŋ/ 'sediakan' - make available for someone else; d) Expresses the meaning of 'to be made to do something [by someone else]', e.g.: /jalanaŋ/ 'menjadikan berjalan' - be made to go; /joŋkokaŋ/ 'menjadikan duduk' - be made to sit down; /jujukaŋ/ 'menjadikan berdiri' - be made to stand up; /lantaŋaŋ/ 'menjadikan panjang' - be made longer.
3) Suffix [-ə] (p.50)
Suffix [-ə] has a number of form variations (allomorphs), such as: [-ñə] and [-cə]. Allomorph [-ñə] occurs, when the root form to which it is adjoined ends in phoneme /n/ and a vocal phoneme, e.g.: /tundEn/+[-ñə] - /tundEnñə/ 'disuruh' - ordered; /warin/+[-ñə] - /warinñə/ 'diberitahu' - notified; /abə/+[-ñə] - /abəñə/ 'dibawa' - brought; /bade/+[-ñə] - /badEñə/ 'diterka' - guessed. Allomorph /-cə/ occurs, when the root form ends in phoneme /t/, e.g.: /cocot/+[-cə] - /cototcə/ 'dipatuk' - pecked, bitten; /habut/+[-cə] - /habutcə/ 'dicabut' - withdrawn; /gutgut/+[-cə] - /gutgutcə/ 'digigit' - bitten; /ohut/+[-cə] - /ohutcə/ 'diurut' - massaged. But if the root form ends in phonemes /n, t/ and vocals, suffix [-ə] is retained, e.g.: /sagrəp/+[-ə] - /sagepə/ 'diterkam' - gripped; /tigtig/ +[-ə] - /tigtigə/ 'dipukuli' - hit or beaten various times; /tanəm/+[-ə] - /tanemə/ 'ditanam' - planted; /tOgəl/+[-ə] - /togələ/ 'dipotong' - cut.
A confix is formed by joining a prefix and suffix, where the two of them occur together in morphological process. A confix is different from simply putting together a prefix and a suffix. The reason for this is that when a prefix and suffix are joined, either one of the two affixes can be added to the root morpheme before the other, e.g.: [kə-/-an] in /kədapətan/ 'catch by surprise, unexpectedly run into someone' is a confix as they have to be added to the morpheme /dapət/ at the same time. This can be illustrated by the fact that both forms* /kədapət/ or /dapətan/ do not exist. This is different from [kə-/-an] in /kəbEgalan/ 'robbed', which is not a confix as the form /kəbEgal/ 'robbed' does exist. (An asterisk is used to indicate a form rarely used[?])
1) Confix [kə-/-an]
The proces of confixation [kə-/-an] does not cause form changes, e.g.: [kə-/-an]+/toluŋ/ 'tolong' - help -- /kətuluŋan/ 'tertolong' - assisted; [kə-/-an]+/jəlEk/ 'buruk' - bad -- /kəjəlEkan/ 'keburukan' - badness; [kə-/-an]+/rauh/ 'datang' - come -- /kərauhan/ 'kemasukan roh' - possessed by a spirit; [kə-/-an]+/səŋit/ 'sengit' - stinging, sharp --/kəsəŋitan] 'sengit' - stinging, sharp. Confix [kə-/-an] functions as a former passive verbs and nouns; supported meanings include: (1) unintentional, e.g.: /maliŋ/ 'mencuri' - steal -- /kəmaliŋan/ 'kecurian' - robbed; /dolop/ 'tipu' - cheat --; /kədolopan/ 'tertipu' - cheated; (p.52) /məməg/ 'diam' - silent -- /kəməgəgan/ 'terdiam' - silenced; (2) passive verb form, e.g.: /kədEk/ 'tertawa' - laugh -- /kəkədEkan/ 'yang ditertawai' - that which is laughed about; /sənəŋ/ 'senang' - happy, content -- /kəsənəŋan/ 'yang disenangi' - that which one is happy about.
2) Confix [pə-/-an]
The change of confix [pə-/-an] is identical to the form change of prefix [pə] and suffix [an] (see explanation of prefix [pə] and suffix [an] above), e.g.: [pə-/-an]+/añut/ 'hanyut' - drift, washed away -- /pengañutan/ 'pembuangan' - washing away of, exiling (?); [pə-/-an]+/joŋkrak/ 'bajak' - plough -- /peñoŋkrakan/ 'pembajakan' - ploughing; [pə-/-an]+/səkəb/ 'peram' - shut someone off from society -- /pəñəkəban/ 'pemeraman' - exile; [pə-/-an]+/daduwə/ 'dua' - two -- /pədaduwan/ 'berdua' - together with someone else; [pə-/-an]+/sahip/ 'saring' - sieve -- /pəñahipan/ 'penyaringan' - sieving. Confix [pə-/-an] functions to form nouns, including the following meanings: (1) Place, e.g.: /penaneman/ 'kuburan' - grave; /peñekeban/ 'pemeraman' - place of exile; /penomangan/ 'tempat pembuatan kapur' - place where lime is made; /pengañutan/ 'pembuangan' - place where things (people?) are thrown away, exiled (?); (2) Instrument, e.g.: /pəñoŋkrakan/ 'pembajakan' - plough; /pəŋoliŋan/ 'pemintalan tali' - spinning wheel; /pəñaŋihan/ 'pengasah' - sharpener, grinder, whetstone; /pəñahipan/ 'penyaringan' - sieve.
Confix [mə-/-an] (p.53)
Confix [mə-/-an] does not change if added to the root morpheme; its function is to form verbs and its meanings can include: (1) drive or sail, e.g.: [mə-/-an]+/səpedə/ 'sepeda' -- /məsəpedan/ 'bersepeda' - ride a bicycle; [mə-/-an]+/jaran/ 'kuda' - horse -- /məjaranan/ 'berkuda' - ride a horse; [mə-/-an]+/jukuŋ/ 'jukung' - jukung -- /məjukuŋan/ 'berlayar dengan jukung' - sail a jukung; (2) Expresses behaviour or acts, e.g.: [mə-/-an]+/gulur/ 'teriak' - scream -- /məgeluran/ 'berteriak-teriak' - scream repetitiously; [mə-/-an]+/sebet/ 'sedih' sad -- /məsəbətan/ 'bersedih-sedih' - feel very sad; [mə-/-an]+/socap/ 'kata' -- /məsocapan/ 'berkata-kata' - speak many words.
Reduplication is also found in Nusa Penida dialect. A few examples: (1) Integral reduplication, e.g.: /gəleŋ/ 'kecil' - small -- / gəleŋ-gəleŋ/ 'kecil-kecil' - very small; /homah/ 'rumah' - house -- /homah-homah/ 'rumah-rumah' - houses; /gonuŋ/ 'gunung' - mountain -- / gonuŋ-gonuŋ/ 'gunung-gunung' - mountains; /badəŋ/ 'hitam' - black -- /badəŋ-badəŋ/ 'hitam-hitam' - pitch black; /bəhat/ 'berat' - heavy -- / bəhatəbəhat/ 'berat-berat' - very heavy; (2) Affixated reduplication, e.g.: /adEŋ/ 'pelan' - slow -- /məadEŋ-adEŋan/ 'pelan-pelan' - slowly; /bolan/ 'bulan' - moon -- /məbolan-bolanan/ 'berbulan-bulan' - months in a row; /ahub/ 'sembunyi' - hide -- /ahub-ahuban/ '...; (p.54) /hEmaŋ/ 'bergegas' - be in a hurry -- /məhEmaŋ- hEmaŋan/ 'bergegas-gegas' - be in a great hurry; (3) Reduplication with various phonemes, e.g.: /badiŋ/ 'balik' - return -- /bodaŋ-badiŋ/ 'bolak-balik' - go to and fro; /tolih/ 'lihat' - see -- /tolah-tolih/ 'melihat ke sana ke mari' - look here and there; /gəlur/ 'teriak' - scream -- /gelar-gelur/ 'berteriak-teriak' - scream repetitiously; /beluk/ 'belok' - turn -- /bElak-beluk/ 'berbelok-belok' - take many turns. Generally, reduplication functions to show and express intensity (frequency) of a verb. Supported meanings include: (1) Many, e.g.: /sampi/ 'sapi' - cow -- / sampi-sampi/ 'sapi-sapi' - cows; /gonuŋ/ 'gunung' - mountain -- / gonuŋ-gonuŋ/ 'gunung-gunung' - mountains; /don/ 'daun' - leaf -- /dOn-dOnan/ 'daun-daunan' - leaves; (2) Intensity, e.g.: /homad/ 'tarik' - pull -- /homad-homadan/ 'tarik-tarikan' - tug-of-war, pull on each other; /becat/ 'cepat' - quickly -- /becat-becatan/ 'cepat-cepatan' - very quickly; /tEban/ 'tahun' - year -- /metEban-tEbanan/ 'menahun' - chronic, lasting for years
Compounds encountered in Nusa Penda dialect are: 1) Non-equivalent compounds, e.g.: /jəhuk ləŋis/ 'nama sejenis jeruk' - lime; /ñuh popuh/ 'nama sejenis kelapa' - a kind of coconut; /selə həbun/ 'ubi jalar' - yams; starchy root crops, cassava; /biyu krotuk/ 'pisang biji' - banana with seeds; /Oləd tEkəh/ 'nama sejenis ulat' - type of caterpillar; 2) Equivalent compounds, e.g.: (p.55) /jəlEk malah/ 'baik buruk' - good and bad; /səbət kəndəl/ 'suka duka' - happiness and sorrow; /nanaŋ meme/ 'bapak ibu' - father and mother; /gəmuh landuh/ 'aman sentosa' - safe and quiet; 3) Compounds with unique elements, e.g.: /ñag ajur/ 'remuk redan' - crushed to bits; /potih bəlun/ 'putih bersih' - shining white; /pətəŋ kOdOt/ 'gelap gulita' - pitch black; /bərag kagkag/ 'kurus kering' - skinny as a rake; /bərak ñəŋah/ 'merah padan' - bright red. Compound forms in Nusa Penida dialect have no funtion, as the type of compound words is the same as its elements (see examples above). Regarding meaning, generally compounds indicate 'a stronger degree' (see examples above).
3.3 Syntax (p.56)
As a preliminary research, syntax deals with the issue of phrases or word groups and sentences. Where phrases are concerned, only the various construction types will be discussed, whereas regarding sentences, analysis will be limited to patterns of root sentences. i.e. single sentences (kalimat tunggal).
3.3.1 Phrasal construction types
Each construction, both short and long, generally of two elements by which it is directly formed. Because of this, prior to analysing types of phrase construction, the princip of 'direct element' (UL - unsur langsung) is discussed here.
(1) Ede nyagur nyamale //edə ñagur ñamalə// 'Engkau memukul saudaraku' - You hit my brother'. Above sentence consits of two elements by which it is directly formed, i.e.: /edə/ 'engkau' - you, and //ñagur ñamalə// 'memukul saudaraku'. The phrase //ñagur ñamal// also consist of two elements by which it is directly formed, i.e. /ñagur/ 'memukul' and /ñamalə/ 'saudaraku' - my brother. From above analysis, it becomes clear that the 'direct elements' are elements that directly form something bigger. Generally, each form consists of a UL. In below analysis, the phrase construction types according to its function in a sentence are subdivided depending on whether the function of the phrase in question can be substituted by either one or both direct elements.
For this purpose, please observe below data: (2) Ie meli kamben anyar dua bolan cepok //iyə meli kambən añar duwə bolan cəpok// 'Ia membeli sarung baru dua bulan sekali' - He buys a sarong twice a month. (3) Ape alihe kemo mahe //apə alihə kəmo mahə// 'Apa yang dicari ke sana ke mari' - What is he looking for here and there? The function of the phrase //kambən añar// 'sarung baru' in sentence (2) can be substituted by UL /kambən/ 'sarung', but cannot be substituted by UL /añar/ 'baru'. This is proven by the following sentences: (2) Ie meli kamben anyar dua bolan cepok //iyə meli kambən añar duwə bəlan cəpok//; (4) Ie meli kamben - dua bolan cepok //iyə meli kambən - duwə bolan cəpok// 'Ia membeli sarung - dua bulan sekali' - He buys a sarong - twice a month; (5)* Ie meli - anyar due bolan cepok //iye meli - añar duwe bəlan cəpok// 'Ia membeli - baru dua dua bulan sekali' He buys - only twice a month. (An asterisk is used to indicate that this form is not grammatical.)
The function of the phrase //kəmo mahe// 'ke sana kemari' in above sentence can be replaced by both UL /kəmo/ and UL /mahe/. This become evident by observing following examples: (3) Ape alihe kemo mahə //apə alihə kəmo mahə// 'Apa yang dicari ke sana kemari' - What is he looking for here and there?; (6) Apə alihə kemo - //apə alih kəmo -// 'Apa yang dicari - ke sana' - What is he looking for there?; (7) Apə alihə - mahe //apə alih - mahe// 'Apa yang dicari - kemari' - What is he looking for here? The two phrases: //kamben añar// and //kəmo mahe// are categorised as endocentric constructions, i.e. phrases whose function can be replaced by one of its UL or both.
There is another type of construction, illustrated in the following sentence: (8) Mamale ngejuk siap //mamale ŋəjuk siyap// 'Pemangku menangkap ayam' - The priest catches a chicken'. The function of the phrase //ŋəjuk siyap// 'menangkap ayam' - catches a chicken in sentence (8) cannot be replaced by UL /siyap/ 'ayam' - chicken nor by UL //ŋəjuk// 'menangkap' - catches. This is illustrated by following examples. (8) Mamale ngejuk siap //mamale ŋəjuk siyap// 'Pemangku menangkap ayam' - The priest catches a chicken'; (9) Mamale - siap //mamale - siyap// 'Pemangku - ayam' - The priest - a chicken'; (p.59) (10) Mamale ngejuk -//mamale ŋəjuk -// 'Pemangku menangkap'- The priest catches'. Each phrase of the type of //ŋəjuk siyap// whose function cannot be replaced by either UL or both UL, is categorised as an exocentric construction. From the function within the sentence, the phrase can be categorised as endocentric and exocentric. Furthermore, each type can be divided as illustrated in following examples.
22.214.171.124 Endocentric phrase
a. Attributive endocentric phrase: (11) Ajin sampinde bes mael //ajin sampində bəs maəl// 'Knega sapimu terlalu mahal' - Your (?) cow is too expensive. Frase //bəs maəl// 'terlalu mahal' - too expensive (11) consists of two UL: /bəs/ 'terlalu' - too, and /maəl/ 'mahal' - expensive. One of these two UL is the central element: /maəl/ and the other one is the 'explanatory element'. i.e attributive: /bəs/. Phrases like therse (whose UL consist of a central and an attributive element) is referred to as an attributive endocentric phrase. Other examples: Sobe tue //sobə tuwə// 'sudah tua' - too old; med sajan //məd sajan// 'lama sekali' - a very long time; jemak duang //jəmak duwaŋ// 'ambil saja' - please, take one; telah lodes //təlah lodəs// 'sangat hancur' - totally broken.
b. Coordinative endocentric phrase: (12) Ie endek ngelah nanang meme jani //iyə əndək ŋəlah nanaŋ memə jani// 'Ia tidak punya ayah dan ibu semarang' - He does not have 'semarang' (?) parents. Phrase //nanaŋ memə// 'ayah dan ibu' - father and mother in sentence (12) consists of two UL: /nanaŋ/ and /memə/, both of which are the central element. This type of phrase is called a co-ordinative endocentric phrase. Other examples: tue nyem //tuwə ñem// 'tua muda' - young at heart (?); kacang komak //kacaŋ komak// 'kacang dan sejenisnya' - all sorts of beans; tegeh endep //tegeh endep// 'tinggi rendah' - [probably: tinggi diseluduki, rendah dilangkahi = segala sesuatu hendaknya diusahakan sekuat tenaga, everything has to be carried out according to one's strength (?)].
c. Appositive endocentric phrase: (13) Mamale Poger labuh hibi //mamalə poger labuh hibi// 'Pemangku Poger jatuh kemarin' - Priest Poger fell yesterday. Phrase //mamalə poger// 'pemangku yang bernama Poger' - the priest by the name of Poger' and the sentence (13) consists of two UL: /mamalə/ and /pogər/. Both UL are central elements and both can become attributes of these sentences. This type of phrase is referred to as an appositive endocentric phrase. Other examples: Belile perbekel //balilə pərbəkəl// 'kakakku perbekel' - My brother is perbekel [village head]; ngotah mesing //ŋotah məsiŋ// 'muntak berak' - sick to the extent of vomiting; nyamanye lotung //nyamanye lotung// 'Saudaranya kera' - His brother [family member] is a monkey.
126.96.36.199 Exocentric phrase
a. Predicate phrase: (14) Kanti tengah lemang ie megae //kanti təŋah ləmaŋ iyə məgae// ' Sampai tengah malam ia bekerja' - He worked until late in the evening. In sentence (14) the phrase //iyə məgae// 'ia bekerja' - he worked consists of two UL: /iyə/ and /məgae/, respectively subject and predicate. This is called a predicate exocentric phrase. Other examples: ie ngarit //iə ŋarit// 'ia menyabit' - He is cutting grass [etc.]; Sampite mehanak //sampitə məhanak// 'sapi itu beranak' - The cow is giving birth; We megae // Wə məgae// 'Ayah bekerja' - Father is working.
b. Objective [?] exocentric phrase: (15) Kaki ngalap nyuh //kaki ŋalap ñuh// 'Kakek memetik kelapa' - Grandpa is picking a coconut. In sentence (15) phrase //ŋalap ñuh// 'memetik kelapa' - pick a coconut' is found, consisting of two UL: /ŋalap/ and /ñuh/, a verb and an object. This type of phrase is referred to as objective exocentric phrase. Other examples: ngae hajan //ŋae hajan// 'membuat tangga' - make a ladder; ngelung lu //ngeluŋ lu// 'mematahkan alu' - break a rice pestle; ngebet bambang //ŋəbet bambang// 'menggali lubang' dig a hole.
c. Directive exocentric phrase: (16) Wannye luas ke Badung //wanñe luwas kə Baduŋ// 'Ayahnya pergi ke Badung' - Father goes to Badung. In sentence (16) phrase //kə Baduŋ// 'ke Badung - to Badung, is found, consisting of two UL: /kə/ and /Baduŋ/. These two UL are 'kata penanda' and a noun. Ad this phrase consists of a 'penanda' and followed by a noun, it is referred to as a directive exocentric phrase. Other examples: oling Bali //oliŋ Bali// 'dari Bali' - from Bali; di homah //di homah// 'di rumah' - at home; (p.63) juh wale //juh walə// 'di tempat ayahku' - at my father's place.
3.3.2 Basic sentence structure
Realising the important role words play in sentence formation, it is opportune to determine the concept of words before discussing basic sentence patterns. In categorising words, the theory put forward by Ramlah (1978:27-28) is applied to words in Nusa Penida dialect. Ramlah categorises words in Indonesian based on their behaviour (sifat/prilaku) in phrases and sentences. Words that show the same behaviour [are placed?] in one category. In reference to above-mentioned basic nature [of words?], he categorises Indonesian words in three large groups, i.e.: 1) nominal words, subdivided into nouns, pronouns and numerals; 2) Adjectival words (kata ajektifal), subdivided into: adjectives and verbs; 3) Particles, subdivided into: explanatory words? (kata penjelas), adverbs, question words and interjections. Words in Nusa Penida dialect can also be categorised phraseologically based on their 'behaviour' in a phrase or sentence.
(17) Ie ngalap poh //Iə ngalap poh// 'Ia memetik mangga' - He picks a mango; (18) Wale ngebuh sampi dadue //Wale ngebuh sampi dadue// 'Ayahku memelihara dua ekor sapi' - My father takes care of two cows; (19) Ebe ngelah habian tone //Ebə ŋəlah habiyan tone// 'Kita yang punya kebun itu' - We own that garden. In sentences 17, 18 and 19 respectively, the following words are found: /poh/ 'mangga' - mango, /dauwə/ 'dua' - two and /ebə/ 'kita' - we. These three words are called nouns, numerals and personal pronouns. These three words occupy the same object position in the sentence and can be negated with tre /trə/ 'bukan' - not, except for the numeral, which is often negated with endek /əndək/ 'bukan or tidak' no or not, which does not impact its meaning if compared to tre /trə/. It becomes clear that these three words have the same 'behaviour' in a phrase or sentence. This is the reason why they can be categorised as nominal words.
Apart from this, there are words whose behaviour is different from those in category nominal words, i.e. they cannot occupy an object position in a sentence and when negated, the word endek /əndək/ 'tidak' - not is used. Words of such behaviour are placed in the category of adjectival words (kata ajektifal): (p.65) verbs and adjectives, e.g.: (20) Klambinye sobe jahitce //klambiñə sobə jahitcə// 'Bajunya sudah dijahit' - The coat has already been sown; (21) Kakinye tewas //kakiñə tewas// 'Kakeknya miskin' - His grandfather is poor. jahitce /jahitcə/ 'dijahit' - sown, in sentence 20 is a verb, i.e. an adjectival word, which can be negated by endek /əndək/ 'tidak' - no. But the word tewas /tewas/ 'miskin' - poor in sentence 21 is an adjective, i.e. an adjectival word negated by endek, which can also be followed by bes /bəs/ 'sangat' - very. Some examples of verbs are: nyebak /ñEbak/ 'membelah' - split; melahib /məlahIb/ 'berlari' - run; nyalan /ñalan/ 'berjalan' - walk, go; medagang /mədagaŋ/ 'berdagang' - trade, etcetera. Some exmples of adjectives are: jaen /jaən/ 'enak' - tasty; belog /bəlog/ 'bodoh' - stupid; jelek /jəlEk/ 'jelek' - ugly; celang /cəlaŋ/ 'pintar' - clever, and so forth.
(p.66) Words whose behaviour differs from nominal and adjectival group are placed in the category of particles, subdivided into: 'explanatory words' (kata penjelas), adverbs, flag words? (kata penanda), linking words/prepositions (kata perankai), question words and interjections.
This is a general picture of word category in Nusa Penida dialect. Furthermore, in below analysis, the basic sentence is discussed: (22) Sampi tone gelahle //sampi tonə gəlahlə// 'Sapi itu kepunyaanku' - That cow is mine; (23) Wannye sedagar //wanñə sədagar// 'Ayahnya saudagar' - His father is a large-scale merchant; (24) Anak lohehe abesik //anak lohəhə abəsIk// 'istrinya seorang' - someone's wife; (25) Hale ie sobe tewas //halə iyə sobə tEwas// 'tetapi ia sudah miskin' - but he is now poor; (26) Bangkiange ohut-ohutce //bangkiaŋə ohut-ohutcə// 'Pinggangnya diurut-urut' - His back is given a massage; (27) Ie ngarit padang //iyə ŋarIt padang// 'Ia menyabit rumput' - He is cutting weeds/grass; (p.67) (28) Memennya ngaenang wannye kelambi //mEmEnñə ŋaEnaŋ wanñə kəlambi// 'Ibunya membuatkan ayah baju' - Mother makes a jacket for father; (29) Nyamande lahib-lahib //ñamandə lahIb-lahIb// 'Adikmu berlari-lari' - Your brother is running around; (30) Epahe ke Badung //Epahə kə Baduŋ// 'Iparnya ke Badung' - His brother/sister-in-law is going to Badung.
Above sentences 22, 23 and 24, each consist of subject and predicate. The predicate of sentence 22 and 23 comes in the form of a noun, i.e.: gelahle /gəlahlə/ 'kepunyaanku' - mine, and sedagar /sədagar/ 'saudagar' - large-scale merchant. The predicate of sentence 24 is a numeral: abesik /abəsIk/ 'satu' - one. The sentence whose predicate is a noun [or] a nominal as in sentences 22 and 24 are referred to as nominal sentences. The predicate of sentence 25 is an adjective, i.e. soba tewas /sobə tEwas/' sudah miskin' - already poor. The predicate of sentence 26 is a passive verb. i.e. ohut-ohutce /ohut-ohutcə/ ''diurut-urut'. These sentences are normally called passive sentences. The predicate of sentence 27 is an active verb followed by an object, i.e. ngarit padang /ŋarIt padang/ 'menyabit rumput' - cutting weeds/grass. The predicate of sentence 28 is an active verb too, with more than one object in this case: ngaenang wannye kelambi //ŋaEnaŋ wanñə kəlambi// 'Ibunya membuatkan ayah baju' - a jacket is made for father. These two sentence types (27, 28) are ususally called transitive active sentences (p.68), subdivided into monotransitive (27) and bitransitive (28). Sentence 29 consists of one predicate in the form of an active verb not followed by an object. Hence, this is called an intransitive active sentence. Each sentence whose predicate is a verb and adjective as in sentences 25 and 29 are called adjectival sentences (kalimat ajektifal). Finally, sentence 30 consists of two UL. The second UL is a directive exocentric construction: ke Badung // kə Baduŋ// 'ke Badung' - to Badung. This type of sentence is called a sentence with a flag particle (?) (kalimat dengan partikel penanda).
In short, above analysis shows the following data: (1) nominal sentence; 2) adjectival sentence and (3) sentence with a predicate in the form of a flag particle (?). Nominal sentence can be subdivided into (a) a sentence with a noun predicate, and (b) a sentence with a numeral predicate. Adjectival sentences can be subcategorised into: (a) a sentence with a verb predicate, and (b) a sentences with an adjective predicate. Sentences with a verb predicate can be subdivided into active and passive sentences. Furthermore, active sentences can be subcategorised into transitive and intransitive active sentences. Finally, transitive sentences can be subdivided into two distinct categories: monotransitive and bitransitive.
Chapter IV: Conclusion (p.69) - A. Sociocultural background of Nusa Penida Balinese
1. Number of languages: In Nusa Penida, two types of languages are encountered, Balinese and Balinese as a Nusa Penida dialect. Balinese as a Nusa Penida dialect is the most widely spread language in Nusa Penida, especially in the mountainous regions; 2. The role and position of Nusa Penida Balinese in culture: a) Nusa Penida Balinese plays an important role to convey ideas and thoughts in all cultural aspects: customs and manners of life in general, in family life and in some art forms; b). Nusa Penida Balinese as a local language plays a role mainly in the arts and customs (adat), especially traditional customs; 3. Nusa Penida Balinese in education: a) Nusa Penida Balinese in education at schools does not yet occupy a position of importance as an accompanying language or school subject. There even seems to be a tendency to use Balinese as an accompanying language in schools and as a school subject; b) Nusa Penida Balinese is used as a socialising language in schools, especially in schools located at some distance from major towns; c) There are no clear indications of Nusa Penida Balinese as a means of communication between teachers and pupils (p.70), and Balinese seems to be the preferred means of communication between pupils and teachers; 4. Nusa Penida Balinese in households: a) In households, Nusa Penida society generally tends to use Nusa Penida Balinese as a means of communication; b) Outside of households, Nusa Penida Balinese occupies a position as means of communications with farmers, especially with those outside of the major towns. In major towns, moreover, Nusa Penida Balinese has already be replaced by Balinese; 5. Nusa Penida Balinese in the arts: Nusa Penida Balinese does not play an obvious role in the arts in Nusa Penida. The use of Nusa Penida Balinese in the art world has been somewhat pushed aside by the use of Balinese, so Balinese has become dominant in this specific sector.
B. Structure of Nusa Penida Balinese
1. Balinese used in Nusa Penida contains six vocal phonemes and 18 consonant phonemes. Vocal phonemes are: i, e, ə [?], a, u and o; the consonant phonemes are: p, b, m, t, d, n, c, j, s, ñ, r, l, k, g, ŋ, h, w, y. Each vocal phoneme has a compete distribution except for the vocal phoneme /a/, which is never found in final position. All consonant phonemes have a complete distribution except for c, j, n, w, y, not found in final position.
2. Balinese dialect used in Nusa Penida has five syllabic patterns: V, VC, CV, CVC, and CCVC.
3. (p.71) There are three morphological processes in Balinese dialect used in Nusa Penida: affixation, reduplication, and compounds, which play an important role. There are five affixes: N-, pe-, me-, ke-, se-; three suffixes: -an, -aŋ, and -e; and three confixes: me-/-an, pe-/-an and ke-/-an.
4) The form of prefix N- can change into: m-, n-, ñ-, ŋ- [...]. Its function is to form transitive active verbs and root verbs; it forms verbs from nouns and verbs from adverbs. Meaning: perform work with an instrument of the root word, do as is mentioned in the root word, become. There are two types of prefix pe-: nasalised and non-nasalised pe-. The first can take the form of: pem-, pen- and peŋ-. Its function is to form nouns. The non-nasalised prefix retains the original form and functions to form adverbs. Meanings: instrument, a person performing a job, move or sound. The form of the prefix me- can change into m- and its function is to form verbs. Meaning: possess, use, produce, reflexive. Prefix ke- can become k- and it function is to form nouns and passive verbs. Meaning: abstract nouns and passive verbs. (p.72) Prefix se- does not change. Meaning: same with, occurring simultaneously with, each and every.
5) Suffix -an never changes form. Its function is to form nouns and passive verbs. Meaning: instrument, place, measure, comparative. Suffix -aŋ does not change form either. It function is to form verbs. Meaning: become increasingly so, go in the direction of, for the sake of someone else, become. Suffix -e sometimes changes into -nə, and its function is to form passive verbs.
6) Confix ke-/-an does not change form. It form passive verbs and nouns. Meanings: unintentional, passive 'by' (yang di-). Confix ke-/-aŋ [?] does not change form. It form passive verbs and nouns. Meaning: unintentional and passive 'by' (yang di-). Confix pe-/-an changes its form according to the changes, which occur when pe- is nasalised; it forms verbs. Meanings: place or instrument. Confix me-/-an does not change form and it forms verbs. Meanings: to ride or sail, behaviour.
7) In Balinese used in Nusa Penida 'whole or intact' (kata utuh) are found, affixed/affixated reduplicatives, and reduplicatives with varied phonemes. Generally speaking, reduplication (p.73) has the function to make plurals and indicate intensity/frequency. Meanings: much/many, intensity; 8) Apart from this, in Balinese used in Nusa Penida equivalent, non-equivalent compounds and compounds with unique elements are found. Generally, compounds indicate 'a stronger degree of'; 9). In Balinese used in Nusa Penida, there are two types of phrases, endocentric and exocentric: appositive and coordinative endocentric phrases. Exocentric phrases can be subdivided into: directive, predicative exocentric, objective exocentric. 10) Nusa Penida Balinese knows two sentence patterns: basic (nominal sentence) and adjectival sentence.
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- 1. I Wayan Murnaya; born 1951; education SPG; teacher
- 2. I Wayan Wira; 36 yoa; education SMA; government employee at Health (Dpt)
- 3. Ngakan Made Pejeng; 60 yoa; education SMP; teacher & village head
- 4. I Made Regog; 54 yoa; education SGA; Head of Office (Kepala Kantor) P&K
- 5. I Wayan Wirya; 8 yoa; second grade pupil
References (Godi Dijkman)
- Echols, John M et al. - An English- Indonesian Dictionary, Jakarta 1993
- Echols, John M et al. - An Indonesian-English Dictionary, Third Edition, Jakarta 1992
- Salim, M.A. Drs. Peter et al. - Kamus Bahasa Indonesia Kontemporer, Jakarta, 1991
- Shadeg, Norbert - Balinese-English Dictionary, Tuttle Publishing, Singapore, 2007
- Bagus, I Gusti Ngurah – Latar belakang sosial budaya Bahasa Bali Nusa Penida / Tim peneliti, I Gst. Ngh. Bagus dan kawan-kawan. Denpasar: Jurusan Bahasa dan Sastra, Universitas Udayana, 1981, 73p