Migration & Agriculture in Nusa Penida (Bundschu, 1990)

Dr. Habil. Inge Bundschu in 1990 wrote an article on migration and increased agricultural yield in Nusa Penida. She discusses transmigration issues in the 1980s, and the potential for new crops in Nusa Penida, amongst which sorghum and vanilla. Remarks in square brackets & English transation from German by Godi Dijkman, kindly assisted by Angelika Schuler (CH).


Nusa Penida is located 12 km south-east of the island of Bali. Together with the island of Lembongan it forms an area of 200 km2 and administratively belongs to the province of Bali. Large parts of Java and Bali are distinguished by a semi-humid climate, year-round water-bearing rivers, made available for irrigation for rice cultivation by fertile volcanic soils, so by contrast Nusa Penida is a real problem area: it is relatively small, with particularly erratic rainfall and calcareous bedrock, all putting limits to agriculture. Official development measures follow two basic strategies: under government resettlement (transmigration) programmes, part of the Nusa Penida population are relocated to other Indonesian islands; the limited natural potential becomes more traditional through intensification and better utilised/expoited through the introduction of new crops. Ever since Helbig published his quality regional studies in 1941, Nusa Penida has no longer been included in geographic literature. This paper outlines the basic developments of this 'emergency' area.

Physical-geographical principles

Nusa Penida belongs to the karst region extending from southern Java to the extreme south of Bali to Lombok, located east of Bali. Three successive layers or table stages have formed the geomorphological buildup of Nusa Penida. The central plateau is 400 m above sea level and is 529m high at Bukit Mundi, its highest point. In the south, the levels fall steeply towards the sea. In the middle stage and in the central highlands, the shapes of tropical karst are pronounced in a perfect way. Up to thirty meters high conical hills can be found, between which steep-walled funnels and karst wells are embedded.

Climatically, Nusa Penida belongs to the alternating humid tropical climate range, extending from East Java to Timor. The annual average temperature is 26.0°C and annual precipitation is relatively low with less than 900 mm. With 4-5 humid months, Nusa Penida belongs to the Köppen climate classification [see references], referring to Lauer's semi-arid climate classification system [see references: Wilhelm Lauer & Peter Frankenberg's eco-physiological climate classification]. The precipitation patterns of the years 1979 and 1980 show strong fluctuations in rainfall (fig. 1). These occur both between years and within a single year. The problem is that in many months not a single drop of water falls, whilst large quantities of rainfall occur in only a few days. The number of rainy days was 42 in 1977, 78 in 1978 and 59 in 1979.

During heavy rainfall, rainwater flows very quickly down along the ravines, whilst during periods of little rainfall small amounts of water immediately seep down into the soil. In the interior there are no water sources. Sources are found at the foot of the southern cliff, and on the north coast water is taken from wells in the larger canyons.

No river carries water continuously. Intensification measures through canal irrigation are therefore no option. The population in the hilly country is forced to obtain drinking water by marching 2-15 km on foot.


Figure 1: Nusa Penida (Bali): Climate diagrams (1979/1980); Annual average temperature: 26.0 C (schematic diagram), annual precipitation: 802 mm; Annual average temperature: 26.0 C (schematic representation); annual precipitation: 856 mm; Rainfall scale: 100 mm 1:2; over 100 mm 1:10; design: I. Bundschu, according to Dinas, Province of Bali, 1981

To date, Nusa Penida soil has not yet been thoroughly explored. Indonesian sources call it a "brown Mediterranean soil". (Kantor Wilayah Direktorat Jenderal Transmigrasi, 1980). Thus, it would possibly be brown limestone clay (terra fusca), considered to be the final stage of weathered limestone under subtropical conditions. Such soils contain low levels of humus and are subject to strong shrinkage and swelling and have poor air and water exchange. During heavy rains, surface water erosion occurs with intensive drainage. In many places the topsoil in Nusa Penida has already vanished and naked limestone has come to the surface (2). The karst hollow forms, however, contain a dark, almost black soil, which Helbig (1941) refers to as tropical black earth. (3)

The natural vegetation - dry savannah - has largely been removed in Nusa Penida. Alang-alang grass in the highlands, which occurs as a succession vegetation on burned primary forests sites, is an indication of earlier forests, which surely must have been there under former conditions of balanced rainfall" (Helbig, 1941).


Figure 2: Nusa Penida (Bali): Population density (1980), design: I. Bundschu drawing on "Peta Pembangunan Desa, Kebupaten Klungkung (Bali) 1980"

The possibilities to tap the full natural potential are therefore extremely limited due to the conditions referred to in Nusa Penida.

Population structure and government transmigration policy

Administratively, Nusa Penida is a district of Kabupaten Klungkung, belonging to the province of Bali, but forms an independent subdistrict (Kecamatan). The Kecamatan Nusa Penida is divided into 13 administrative municipalities (desa dinas), including the lowest administrative units of 79 Banjar (4). 144 traditional villages (desa adat) represent the bottom part of this structure.

The communities of Suana, Batununggul, Kutampi and Toyapakeh are located in narrow valleys, while the remaining municipalities are located in the hilly areas.

The population of Nusa Penida originates from former South Bali principalities in Bangli and Klungkung. Criminals, debtors and other unpopular people were exiled in earlier times for life to Nusa Penida by former Balinese princes. During the Dutch colonial period (1912-1945) numerous voluntary immigrants followed. 99.5% of the population belongs to the Hindu-Balinese religion, and only in Toyapakeh there are about 250 Muslim residents.

Vilage Number of households Population Agricultural soil (km2) Population density per km2 LN Number of migrants 1969-1982 Share of total population (%)
(Source) 1) 2) 3)   4)  
Jungutbatu 443 2.706 3,5 773 0 0
Lembongan 625 3.152 5,4 584 312 10
Toyapakeh 46 283 0,3 943 140 43
Ped 679 3.492 18,1 193 123 4
Kutampi 1.056 5.079 22,4 227 80 2
Batununggul 749 3.849 6,3 611 158 4
Sakti 1.193 5.793 30,8 188 1.277 22
Klumpu 633 3.543 11,9 298 180 5
Batumadeg 401 1.994 12,4 161 738 37
Batukandik 715 3.826 20,2 189 137 4
Suana 1.174 6.016  25,4 240 504 8
Tanglad 417 1.801 14,2 130 40 2
Sekartaji 316 1.632 14,4 110 155 10
Total 8.447 43.166 185,3 230 3.866 9

Table 1 Population figures, Agricultural land and number of Transmigrants in Penida in the early 80s; sources: 1-3) Kantor Desa Kabupaten Klungkung, 1981; 4) Records of the Kantor Wilayah Direktorat Jenderal Transmigrasi, Province of Bali, 1982

At the beginning of the 1980's, 46,908 people lived in the Kecamatan Nusa Penida (Kantor Statistik, 1981). The average population density thus comprises 232 inhabitants per square km. The average population density in the northern coastal centers is much higher.

Based on the agricultural data, extreme numbers have been recorded: 943 inhabitants/km2 (LN?) in Toyapakeh, 773 inhabitants/km2 (LN?) in Jungutbatu (table 1, figure 2). These figures indicate overpopulation since the economic structure is dominated almost exclusively by the primary sector, which in turn bears high risks given the outlined natural conditions.

The population growth on Nusa Penida was far less explosive than in Java or Bali. In 1923 on Nusa Penida there were 20,475 people. For the years 1930 and 1937, 26,500 and 30,000 inhabitants are given (Helbig, 1941). Hence, the population not even doubled in 50 years, whereas it tripled in Bali over a period of 70 years. The main reasons for the relatively low population growth are high death rates but also resettlement in Nusa Penida. At the beginning of the 1980s, the fertility rate was still quite high despite family planning programmes. So of the total population, the proportion of children of maximum 14 year of age amounted to 40%, and only to 13% of the elderly over 50 years (Kantor Statistik, 1981).

This means that approximately 26,000 people of working age were available as potential labour force; 93% of the workforce is employed in agriculture, i.e. two-thirds in agriculture and a third in livestock. In the northern coastal towns full-time fishermen are to be found, consisting of 6% of the workforce. Only 1% is engaged in non-agricultural occupations such as craftsmen, workers, tradesmen, and staff/officials.

According to official estimates, only 14,000 people were available for regular livelihood persuit, and about 12,000 people would be permanently unemployed. However, in rural areas dominated almost exclusively by agriculture, widespread unemployment was apparent. It concerns serious underemployment, as more people - family members - are engaged in agriculture.

Resettlement measures to reduce the population pressure on Nusa Penida date back to the Dutch colonial era. Graders (without year, p.26f) reports that in 1935, there was an acute food shortage on Nusa Penida. The Dutch were of the opinion that the people might not be able to eke out a living without external help. Some of the particularly affected families in Nusa Penida were relocated to West Bali in the regencies of Tabanan and Jembrana. In Kecamatan Mendoyo (Kabupaten Jembrana), forestlands were reclaimed and 3,000 hectares of land were allocated to 300 families from Nusa Penida. At that time, in these areas there were already a number of settlers from Penida (Grader, not dated).

From 1953, the Indonesian government continued resettlement measures. In the context of large-scale transmigration programmes, families from the densely populated areas of Java, Bali and Lombok were relocated to the sparsely populated islands of Sumatra, Kalimantan (Borneo) and Sulawesi (Celebes) to find a new home. A discinction was made between 'general transmigration', in which the costs were borne by the state and 'Special transmigration', in which the initiative of the resettlement was with the transmigrants themselves.

Between 1953 and 1968, some 2,000 people from Nusa Penida left their homes. Increased efforts in the context of five-year plans (REPELITA) in 1969-1982 caused a further exodus of 4,000 people. (5) The resettlement quota of today's total population Nusa Penida amounts to 13% and is substantially higher than in Bali, where since 1953 only 4% of today's total population transmigrated. (6) Target areas for transmigrants from Nusa Penida are first of all Sulawesi and then Sumatra. In the coming years the number of transmigrants from Nusa Penida is expected to increase strongly. The Direktorat Jenderal Transmigrasi of the province of Bali divides the householdes into three groups: a) families who desperately want to transmigrate and have already made an application; b) families who would like to transmigrate, but haven't not made a request, c) families who have no interest in transmigration.

In a number of Nusa Penida villages, the Direktorat Jenderal Transmigrasi (Kantor Wilayah Directorate Jenderal Transmigration, 1980) determined the following values for different groups: Group a) 30%, group b) 40%, group c) 30% in some communities. If transmigration aspirations are to be realized, it means that Nusa Penida should literally be "emptied out" in the coming years.

After the preparation of plans for a transmigration programme at provincial level, distributions are made for the Kabupaten. On Kabupaten level, priority areas are set for transmigration, in which the following factors are taken into account: crucial agriculture areas in which natural disasters have occurred; areas with a very low level of development; areas with adverse natural conditions, determining the ultimate limits of agriculture; densly populated fertile areas.

The Direktorat Jenderal Transmigrasi will select the final participants. Main motivators for the transmigration are village circumstances, and sometimes also transmigrated relatives and friends. Information transfer by a limited number of transmigration officers or through mass media should mostly be disregarded in Nusa Penida. The majority of the inhabitants does not speak Indonesian and use a Balinese dialect, which is poorly understood by the Balinese from [mainland] Bali. Limited knowledge of Indonesian forms a key impediment to transmigration.

Economic structure - 4.1. Agricultural development measures

Agricultural land on Nusa Penida comprises 18,500 ha, i.e. 92% of the total land surface. Cultivation of annual crops and cassava accounts for 79% to 6% of permanent crops on the acreage of 15% forage crops. Agricultural lands cannot be extended to previously undeveloped areas. Land use intensification, which previously could only be farmed extensively due to the soil conditions, can be realised for yield increase by using agronomic production means and choice of suitable crops. (fig. 3).

The development of agricultural measures on Nusa Penida occur in the following areas: intensification of staple food production, development of permanent crops; increase in fodder production; increase in cattle breeding.

The main staple food is corn. In addition, there is cassava and to a lesser extent dry rice [padi gaga]. Peanuts are also an important crop.

In Nusa Penida, individual plots of rainwater areas (tegalan) as a rule can be used for various plants. These mixed cultures are called "tumpang sari". The land use pattern is determined by the plant spacing of the individual cultures. Two forms are distinguished: if corn, cassava and peanuts are grown with dry rice, distances are as follows: Rice 0.25 x 0.25 m, corn 1.0 m x 1.5 m, cassava 1.0 mx 1.5 m, and peanuts 1.0 m x 1.0 m.

If the above crops are not grown in rotation with dry rice, following values are valid: corn 0.5 m x 0.5 m, cassava 1.0 m x 1.5 m and peanuts 0.5 m x 0.5 m.

Traditionally in Nusa Penida, corn cultivation has been promoted since 1981 in the framework of state intensification measures (BIMAS programmes). (7) Of the total existing cornfield area of 5,600 ha, comprising 38% of the total acreage of staple food on Nusa Penida, 2,589 ha were managed by 5,634 farms involved in the intensification measures. Through the use of high-yielding varieties of corn, yields could be increased considerably and include between 0.9 and 2.4 tonnes per hectare. These are, however, much lower than in Bali, where the production of 3.5 tons in 1969 increased to 4.5 tons in 1981 (Bundschu, 1987c). Also East Java, an area considered to be one of the largest corn-growing regions of the world, yields of 1.0 tons increased to 4.0 tons per hectare (Montgomery, 1981).

However, the sensational yields on Nusa Penida cannot hide the fact that several problems remain unsolved. The climatic risks are very high: in 1981/82, one fifth of the intensified maize fields were destroyed. The transferring of credit and the timely delivery of mineral fertilizers is not guaranteed. As a result, in the harvest period of 1981/82, only a third of the planned loans for corn cultivation could be provided.


Figure 3: Nusa Penida (Bali): Land use (1980), Source Direktorat Dept. Negari (1980), Cartography: R.Grünberg

Sorghum, a completely "new" crop, was introduced in the mid-seventies, alien to other areas of Indonesia and not planted in the dry eastern Lesser Sunda Islands. Due to its high heat resistance and relatively low water claims, it is suitable to the conditions on Nusa Penida. Compared to unfertilized sorghum areas, the addition of mineral fertilizers resulted in increased yields by a tenfold to 1.5 tons per ha. The population has, to a certain degree, been acquianted with millet but corn is still preferred as before. A big problem lies in the fact that sorghum cannot be stored for a long time. Since sales proceeds are as low as cassava and achieve only a third of the price of corn per kg, sorghum is rarely sold and used, as stated before, only for direct human consumption.

In the context of national expansion and intensification, the rehabilitation and expansion of industrial crops development (PRPTE) of permanent crops is promoted. The ubiquitous coconut trees, native to Indonesia, are also grown on Nusa Penida. There, however, it is confined to the northern and eastern coastal areas and cover an area of 800 ha (fig. 3). A significant new culture that was also introduced in Bali in 1974 is cashew nut (Anacardium occidentale). It provides low demands on the soil and climatic conditions and thrives by a rainfall of 500 mm and up to 600 m altitude. In 1979 the total area of cashew trees on Nusa Penida comprised 3,877 ha, but in 1980 was reduced to 2,550 ha. 7,286 enterprises had already planted this new culture (Dinas Perkebunan, 1981). Like coconut palms, cashew trees in Nusa Penida do not form monocultures, but corresponding farmlands were additionally used. There are 200 Cashew trees per hectare at a distance of 5 x 10: its products such as nuts, oil, 'meat' of false fruits are usable not only as food suppliers, but also in the paint and plastics industries. But so far neither the farmers on Nusa Penida nor those in Bali have the necessary knowledge to complete the appropriate work-up processes themselves. Buyers from Central Java, where the normal trading prices can be decreased considerably, have already adopted this.

There are plans by the competent Agriculture Office to introduce vanilla on Nusa Penida, which was planted in Bali in 1974. (8) A major advantage of vanilla plantations is that - going at the expense of staple crops - no additional agricultural land is needed, but that vanilla is grown as a mixed culture with coconut palms and coffee. Areas more suitable for vanilla cultivation on Nusa Penida are situated in the northern and eastern coastal zone, in the area of existing coconut plantations. Despite the many problems with which this export culture is fraught - planting, harvesting, processing, marketing - agricultural income can be increased sensationally. A vanilla operation can yield around ten times the income of a coconut plantation of the same size and one hundred times the revenue of a company planting cassava (Bundschu, 1987b).

The previous discussion has shown that the number of suitable crops is limited on Nusa Penida due to unfavorable natural conditions and lack of irrigation facilities. Considerable successes were achieved by introducing new crops such as sorghum and cashew trees, and the intensification of corn production. However, in this respect within Nusa Penida there are pronounced disparities. At the beginning of the 1980s, these measures were primarily limited to the northeastern communities of Batununggul, Suana, Ped and Kutampi, whereas the villagers of the higher areas led a pitiful existence as before.

To restore a protective vegetative cover to prevent erosion and to increase food production, combined measures are taken. A balance is sought between fodder trees like Sesbania Grandiflora, and grass species.

Cattle are of great importance in animal production. With a stock of 18,000 cattle on Nusa Penida this results in two cows per operation. Annually, apart from fish, some 1,000 cattle are the main export product. In addition, pigs are reared, except in the Muslim settlement of Toyapakeh.

For an income assessment on Nusa Penida, size structures still need to be taken into account. In 1980, there were 9,231 farms in Kecamatan Nusa Penida (Kantor Statistik, 1981). Agricultural land statistics show an average farm size of 2.00 ha. However, table 2 shows that almost half of the companies are less than 0.50 ha and even one-fifth less than 0.25 ha in size. 69% of the farms only use their own land, 19% lease additional agrarian land and 12% of the farms only work leased land. However, Indonesian statistics primarily state those farms with a fixed lease agreements as being tenant farms. Very few sharecropping and communal agriculture agreements - only verbally drafted - were encountered, which for large parts of the population in Bali and Java form the only way of accessing production management. The number of full tenant farms is therefore likely to be much higher on Nusa Penida.

Company size (ha) Companies on own land (%) Companies with shared leased land (%) Companies with fully-owned leased land (%) Total companies (%)
smaller than 0,25 1,473  91 24 1 126 8 1.623 100
0,25-0,50 1,565 68 380 16 361 16 2.306 100
larger than 0,50 3,370 64 1.333 25 599 11 5.302 100
Total 6,408 69 1.737 19 1.608 12 9.231 100

Table 2 Operating size and types in Kecamatan Nusa Penida (1980) Source: (12) Kantor Statistik, 1981

Farming income is extremely low on average: average yields per hectare include peanuts at 0.2 tons per hectare, with cassava and maize respectively about 1.5 tons per hetare. Up to 1981, additional sales proceeds amounted to RP350 per kg for peanuts, RP30 per kg for cassava and RP105 per kg for corn (9). For a 0.50 ha operation this results in a yearly net yield of RP 30,000 for peanuts and cassava respectively and RP78,750 for corn. This gross income must be reduced by expenditures for equipment, interest on the BIMAS loans, land tax, labour and equipment costs. In 1981, in order to secure sufficient food supply for a family of five persons, an equivalent of RP120,000 for rice [production] was required each year! (Bundschu, 1985). Assuming that many businesses on Nusa Penida are less than 0.50 ha in size, and that harvest charges must be paid for lease agreements under intensive management of parcels, it becomes evident that the majority of the population live in absolute poverty due to the fact that working problematic soil in many places is impossible and that yields are often modest. Living conditions of Nusa Penida's rural population in future depends on how the production of corn and cashew nuts can be further enhanced and extended to the other regions of Nusa Penida.


On the north coast of Nusa Penida, there are coastal fisheries. In Suana, Batununggul, Ped, Kutampi, Toyapakeh, Jungutbatu and Lembongan reside about 1,200 full-time fishermen. 20% of the population would in addition pursue part-time fishing. Fishing devices are extremely simple and only a few fishermen have motorized boats, which, due to high gasoline prices, are rarely used. The price of fish fluctuates greatly and each month can rise and fall by 100%. Fish is usually sold to [mainland] Balinese, many of who originate from Kusambe, Kabupaten Klungkung. Various relationships exist between fishermen and traders. In general, the fishmongers operate both as money lenders and grant smaller loans in the order of RP2,000-3,000. The borrowed sum bears high interest rates and will be deducted from the proceeds of the fish harvest. Prices for fish are largely dependent on the fishing season. August, for example, sees rather high catches. The more fish is brought onto the market, the more prices fall. A fish normally sells at RP75-100. This price, however, can fall to RP5 per piece, as costs for transport, processing and drying are calculated. Also, borrowed sums of money and interest are deducted (conversations by the author with fishermen at Batununggul, 1983).

The rural population tends to avoid the bureaucratic way of borrowing from the bank. The landless have no chance of loans due to lack of security. To reduce fishermen's dependency and financial losses, powerful fishing cooperatives would no doubt be of great importance. At the beginning of the 1970s, rural village unit cooperatives (Koperasi Unit Desa/KUD) were established at Kecamatan level with the task of processing marketing of agricultural products throughout Indonesia. KUD "Segara Windu" on Nusa Penida was mainly expected to solve problems related to fish processing and marketing. However, they could not fulfill these tasks and limited their activities to forwarding fishing equipment.

Institutional agricultural loans by BIMAS programmes, including loans for fishermen since 1980, could contribute significantly to the improvement of the operational situation of the fishermen. However, as many fishermen will be forced to continue to receive non-earmarked funds, they will continue to depend on wholesale buyers. As a result of this dependance, preference is given to them rather than the Koperasi Unit Desa. Therefore, also KUD Segara Windu, which in 1980 only had 300 members, will experience major difficulties in attracting members. For it turned out that even Balinese farmers only join modern cooperatives, if they can see direct tangible benefits from their activities for themselves. In addition, a complete lack of clarity about the meaning and purpose of the Koperasi Unit Desa reigns supreme with the farmers in remote areas (Bundschu, 1987c). In this particular area in Nusa Penida, considerable educational work is needed.

Other economic activities

Industrial & commercial workspace is scarce. At the beginning of the 1980s, on Nusa Penida there were 27 companies, employing a total of 141 workers. They produce roof tiles, bricks and cement. In Jungutbatu about 80 people are involved in sea salt production (Kantor Statistik, 1981). In addition to moderate homework, food and materials are produced. Future priority is also given to mentioned acquisition branches. In addition, it would be of great benefit to the agricultural production downstream work processes to open fields of work / agricultural (working) fields. This includes for example the ability of the farmers to take into their own hands cashew processing and future vanilla production. In the near future, efforts to produce goods for a slightly higher demand are likely have little chance of success due to, on the one hand, a lack of know-how, capital scarcity and low purchasing power of the population, and on the other hand, inadequate marketing systems and inadequate means of transport.

Concluding remarks

In this paper, an attempt was made to show basic trends of an Indonesian island of which very little is known. In doing so, a deliberate restriction has been made regarding the matter at hand and its essential aspects. Hence, more detailed aspects of policy issues development and socioeconomic impacts in regional and layer-specific differentiation could not be discussed. Finally, there still is the following issue to be considered: Nusa Penida has quite a long history of settlement and has its own culture and structures (See Graders, 1937; Korn 1944).

For this reason, transmigration measures, their contribution to population reduction and creating a more favorable quality of life in a given space is certainly not negligible and may remain only a part of development policies. It is important to utilize the existing potential and improve it with instruments of appropriate technology and socioeconomic forms of organization.

Described efforts in the agricultural sector for the intensification of traditional crops and the use of new crops, the increase in considerable green forage areas and animal production, put in value the barren landscape potential. Cooperative work could lead to the development of marketing, which could contribute to Nusa Penida's development, given its geographical location and specific problems.

For the many problems to be solved in the coming years, advisory services are a fundamental requirement. In their implementation, from time to time major problem arose due to the language difficulties between [mainland] Balinese and the Nusa Penida population. The recent greatly accelerated education system on Nusa Penida is likely to substantially reduce this problem in the future.


  • 1) see Helbig (1941)
  • 2) Increased soil erosion surfaces are also clearly visible in fig.3.
  • 3) In modern scientific soil literature, the fertility of tropical black soil (Vertisols / Grumusole) has been revised. The humus content is very low and the dark colour is the result of clay minerals of these soils.
  • 4) A Banjar includes families whose residential homesteads are close together. Married men are members of the Banjar, the consultative and decision-making body of the Banjar.
  • 5) These figures include only those evacuees who transmigrated under the "General transmigration". According to the Direktorat Jenderal Transmigrasi, the province of Bali, "spontaneous transmigrants" are very rare due to the limited resources for resettlers willing to leave Nusa Penida.
  • 6) One of the reasons for the reluctance of Balinese transmigration is wet rice cultivation. This is true even for those farmers, who work small fields under unfavourable lease agreements (Bundschu 1985, Bundschu 1987a).
  • 7) BIMAS = bimbingan massal: Instructions of the masses. BIMAS programmes include the use of high-yielding varieties, agricultural advice and the granting of loans for the purchase of fertilizers and pesticides. Under the "completed BIMAS" (BIMAS yang disempurnakan) agro-economic territorial units have been created since the 1970s. Various institutions provide facilities for farmers: agricultural lecturers teach farmer groups (kelompok tani); the Indonesian People's Bank (BRI) provides loans, and on Kecamatan level founded cooperatives (Koperasi Unit Desa/KUD) take over the processing and commercialization of agricultural products; furthermore, KUD is also responsible for passing on agricultural means of production.
  • 8) Since the beginning of the 19th Century, vanilla has also been planted on Java. Main supplier of the world production of vanilla is Madagascar with 71%. Indonesia follows with 18% in second place.
  • 9) RP100 = DM 3,70 (1981)

Biography (Bundschu)

  • BAPPEDA/Propinsi Bali (1976): Perencanaan pembangunan wilayah Nusa Penida. Denpasar/Bali (mimeo)
  • BAPPEDA/Propinsi Bali (1977): Konsep rencana induk pengembangan regional Bali 1977-2000. Denpasar/Bali (mimeo)
  • Bundschu, I. (1985): Probleme der agraren Grundbesitzverfassung auf Bali/Indonesien. Hamburg. (= Mitteilungen des Instituts für Asienkunde, Band 143)
  • Bundschu, I. (1986): Bedeutung und Probleme der Landpacht auf Bali (Indonesien). In: Zeitschrift für Agrargeographie, H.3, S.262-289
  • Bundschu, I. (1987a): Aspekte des Migrationsverhaltens bei Jugendlichen auf Bali (Indonesien). In: Asien, H.1, S.43-61
  • Bundschu, I. (1987b): Das grüne Gold: kleinbäuerliche Vanilleproduktion auf Bali (Indonesien). In: Der Tropenlandwirt, S.97-111
  • Bundschu, I. (1987c): Kooperation und landwirtschaftliche Entwicklung auf Bali/Indonesien. Hamburg. (= Mitteilungen des Instituts für Asienkunde, Band 165)
  • Dinas Perkebunan (1981) / Propinsi Bali: Data Statistik perkebunan rakyat di Bali, tahun 1980 Denpasar/Bali (mimeo)
  • Grader, C.J. (1937): Dorpsbestuur en tempelbeheer op Noesa Penida. In: Djawa XVII, S.372-391
  • Grader, C.J. (o.J.): Nota van toelichtingen betreffende het in te stellen zelfbesturend landschap Jembrana. O.O., o. J. (ca. 1938). (mimeo)
  • Helbig, K. Nusa Penida. Eine tropische Karstinsel. In: Mitteilungen der Geographischen Gesellschaft Hamburg, S.393-409
  • Kantor Statistik/Propinsi Bali (1981): Sensus Penduduk Bali, Denpasar/Bali (mimeo)
  • Kantor Wilayah Direktorat Jenderal Transmigrasi/Propinsi Bali (1980): Penelitian sosial ekonomi daerah asal transmigrasi di daerah kritis Kecamatan Nusa Penida, Kabupaten Klungkung, Propinsi Bali, Denpasar/Bali (mimeo)
  • Korn, V.E. (1944): Noesa Penida. In: Cultureel Indië VI, S.97-109.
  • Montgomery, R. (1981): Maize Yield Increases in East Java. In: Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies, XVII, No. 3, S. 74-85.

References [Dijkman]


  • Bundschu. Dr. Inge - Umsiedlung und landwirtschaftliche Produktionssteigerung auf Nusa Penida (Indonesien), in: "Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie Jg. 34 (1990) Heft 1, S.46-56 Frankfurt a.M.

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